|   During much of the twentieth century, 
              matching was the philosophy that governed non-relative adoption. 
              Its goal was to make families socially that would “match” 
              families made naturally. Matching required that adoptive parents 
              be married heterosexual couples who looked, felt, and behaved as 
              if they had, by themselves, conceived other peoples children. 
              What this meant in practice was that physical resemblance, intellectual 
              similarity, and racial and religious continuity between parents 
              and children were preferred goals in adoptive families. Matching 
              was the technique that could inject naturalness and realness into 
              a family form stigmatized as artificial and less real than the “real 
              thing.” Matching stood for safety and security. Difference 
              spelled trouble. 
            Under the matching 
              paradigm, one family was substituted for another so carefully, systematically, 
              and completely that the old family was replaced, rendered invisible 
              and unnecessary. This was not usually the case before the twentieth 
              century. Children who were placed did not lose contact with their 
              natal kin, even in the case of very young children placed permanently 
              for adoption. The only matching required by early adoption laws 
              was matching by religion, and these laws were frequently disregarded 
              by child-savers, such as Charles 
              Loring Brace, who preferred matching children with the (Protestant) 
              religion of the placing organization, rather than that of (Catholic) 
              natal kin. In the nineteenth century, many adoptions involved sharing 
              children rather than giving them away. 
            In contrast, matching was an optimistic, arrogant, and historically 
              novel objective that suggested that a social operation could and 
              should approximate nature by copying it. Between 1920 and 1970, 
              matching was popular, especially among infertile couples who sought 
              to adopt because they were unable to conceive children of their 
              “own.” By midcentury, infertility 
              had become an unquestioned qualification for adoption. This reinforced 
              the notion that matching compensated for reproductive failure by 
              promising relationships that could pass for the exclusive, authentic, 
              and permanent bonds of kinship that were only natural. 
            Matching confronted 
              the central problem of modern adoption. It attempted to create kinship 
              without blood in the face of an enduring equivalence between blood 
              and belonging. The results were paradoxical. Matching reinforced 
              the notion that blood was thicker than water, the very ideology 
              that made adoption inferior, while seeking to equalize and dignify 
              it. 
            The naturalness of matching still has ardent defenders today, especially 
              with regard to race. Since 1970, however, its dominance has been 
              criticized by movements opposing confidentiality 
              and sealed records. Transracial 
              adoptions and international 
              adoptions also challenge matching by celebrating families deliberately 
              and visibly formed across lines of race, ethnicity, and nation. 
              Open adoption arrangements undercut matching too. They acknowledge 
              an obvious truth that matching concealed: it is possible to have 
              more than one mother, one father, one family. 
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