|   The rise of the matching 
              paradigm linked infertility tightly to adoption. Because families 
              made socially were supposed to look like families made by blood, 
              taking in children born to others emerged as a solution for childless 
              heterosexuals seeking to approximate, emotionally and legally, the 
              family they could not produce themselves. Although childless couples 
              have probably always been interested in adoption, the practice of 
              giving preference to infertile couples evolved only in the twentieth 
              century and was most pronounced around 1950. By then, infertility 
              was so closely tied to adoption that applying to raise someone else’s 
              child was considered an admission of reproductive failure. Adoption 
              and “sterility,” as infertility was typically called 
              before the 1960s, were practically synonymous. 
             There were also practical reasons for the close association between 
              infertility and adoption. At a time when demand exceeded supply 
              for healthy white infants, many professionals believed that limiting 
              the pool of potential adopters to infertile couples was the fairest 
              method of allocating children. It was not unusual for agencies to 
              exclude from consideration couples who had or were capable of having 
              children of their “own,” even if they had experienced 
              multiple miscarriages or were suffering from “secondary” 
              infertility (the inability to conceive after having one child). 
            In the era before reproductive technologies such as in vitro 
              fertilization, infertility usually meant one of two things: permanent 
              childlessness or adoption. In addition to being a qualification 
              for adoptive parenthood, infertility was treated as a sensitive 
              barometer of marital adjustment, a predictor of parental success, 
              and a quality in need of interpretation. Because not being able 
              to have children was considered just as abnormal as giving them 
              away, infertility was at once a logical feature of adoption and 
              a source of potential problems in new families and psychopathology 
              in adopted children. The first major theoretical treatment of adoption, 
              Shared Fate (1964), made infertility 
              the key to understanding adoption’s social significance and 
              cultural context. 
            At midcentury, much was made of the difference between “organic” 
              infertility, which had a clear physiological explanation, and “psychogenic” 
              infertility, which did not. The first was a tragic consequence of 
              reproductively uncooperative bodies. The second was caused by the 
              mind, and that made it far more sinister. Psychogenic infertility 
              implied that men and women might be terrified of parenthood or hostile 
              to it without knowing it. Women, in particular, were suspected of 
              frigidity that might do serious harm to children. One of the primary 
              goals of home studies was to explore the psychology of infertility. 
              What did it mean to applicants for adoption? Had they tried hard 
              to overcome it? Had their pain and anger about it been resolved? 
              Such insistent probing surely added to the burden of grief and self-blame 
              already felt by many infertile couples. 
            The belief that adoption might cure infertility by inducing pregnancy 
              endured throughout the twentieth century and into the twenty-first 
              in spite of empirical evidence to the contrary. It has been sustained 
              by desperation, anecdote, and Freudian 
              theories that blamed infertility on resistance and speculated that 
              adoption could dissolve unconscious barriers to conception and pregnancy. 
              The fact that little or no credible evidence existed to prove this 
              suggests that therapeutic perspectives on adoption were—and 
              still are—powerful. 
            Special needs adoptions, African-American 
              adoptions, single parent 
              adoptions, lesbian and gay adoptions, and other adoptions that 
              expanded the borders of family belonging began gradually to untie 
              the knot between infertility and adoption. If more kinds of children 
              were adoptable, then more kinds of families were needed to adopt 
              them. Demographic patterns suggest that working-class families, 
              older adopters, and parents with children of their “own” 
              were often more tolerant of difference and more open to “making 
              room for one more” than childless infertile couples, who still 
              desired healthy, white infants. 
            Its close association with infertility exposes a poignant feature 
              of modern adoption. Adoption has been a last resort, a way to make 
              families only after the normal, preferred, method of biogenectic 
              reproduction has been tried and failed. 
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