Eudox: Thus
farre then you have now
proceeded to plant your garrisons, and to direct their
services; of the which nevertheles I must needes conceive
that there cannott be any certayne direction sett downe, so
that they must followe the occasions which shalbe [daylie]
offred, and diligently awayted. But, by your leave Iren.,
notwithstandinge all this your carefull fore-sight and
provision, me thinkes I see an evill lurk unspied, that may
chaunce to hazard all the hope of this great service, if it be
not verie well looked unto; and that is, the corruption of
their captaynes: for though they be placed never so
carefully, and their companyes filled never so sufficiently,
yet may they (if they list) discarde when they please, and
sende away suche as will willingly be ridd of that
daungerous and harde service; the which well I wott, is their
comon custome to doe, when they are laide in garrison, for
then they may better hide their defaultes, then when they
are in campe, where they are contynually eyed and noted
of all men. Besides, when their pay commeth, they will (as
they use) detayne the greatest porcons thereof at their
pleasure, by an hundred shiftes that neede not here be
named, thorough which they oftentymes deceyve the
souldior, abuse the Queene, and greatly hinder the service.
So that lett the Queene pay never so fully, the
muster-master view them never so diligently, lett the
deputie or generall looke never so exactly, yet they can
cozen them all. Therefore meseemes it were good, yf at
least it be possible, to make some provision for this
inconvenience.
Iren: It will
surely be very harde; but the
cheifest helpe for prevencon hereof must be the care of the
coronell that hath the goverment of all his garison, to have
an eye to their alteracon, to knowe the nomber and names
of the sick souldiors, and the slayne, to marke and observe
their rankes in their dayly risinge forthe to service, by which
he cannot easely bee abused, so that he him self be a man
of speciall assuraunce and integritie. And therefore good
regarde is to be had in the chosinge and appoynting of
them. Besides, I would not by any meanes that the
captaynes should have the payeinge of their souldiors, but
that there shoulde a paymaster be appoynted, of speciall
trust, which should pay every man accordinge to his
captaynes tickett, and the accompt of the clarke of his
bande: for by this meanes the captayne will never seeke to
falsify his alteracons, nor to dyminishe his companyes, nor
to deceyve his souldiors, when nothinge thereof shalbe for
his gayne. This is the manner of the Spanyardes captaynes,
who never hath to meddle with his souldiors pay, and
indeede scorneth the name as base, to be counted his
souldiors pugadore; whereas the contrary amongest us
hath brought thinges to so bad a passe, that there is no
captayne, but thinkes his band very sufficient, yf he can
muster iiixx [three score], and sticks
not to say openly, that he is unworthie to have a
captayneship, that cannot make it ccccli by the
yere, the which they right well verifie by
the proofe.
Eudox: Truly I
thinke this is a verie good meane
to avoide that inconvenience of captaynes abusions. But
what say you of the coronell? what authoritie thinke you
meete to be gyven him? whether will you allow him to
protect, to saufe conduct, [and] to have marshall lawe as
they are accustomed?
Iren: Yea
verely, but all theis to be lymited with
verie straight instructions. As thus for protections, that hee
shall have authority after the first proclamation, for the
space of twentie dayes, to protect all that shall come unto
them, and then to sende us to the Lord Deputie, with their
sauf conduct or passe, to be at his disposicon; but so as
none of them turne back agayne, beinge once comen, but
be presently sent away out of the countrie, unto the next
shereff, and so conveyed in sauftie. And likewise for
marshall lawes, that to the souldior it be not extended, but
by triall formerly made of his cryme, by a Jury of his fellowe
souldiors as it ought to be, and not rashly, at the will or
displeasure of the coronell, as I have sometyme seene to
lightly. And as for other of the rebells that shall light into
their handes, that they be well aware of what condicon they
be, and what holding they have. For, in the last generall
warres there, I knewe many good freeholders executed by
marshall lawe, whose land was thereby saved to their
heires, which should otherwise have escheated to her
Majestie. In all which, the greate discretion and uprightnes
of the cornell him self is to be the chiefest stay bothe of all
theis doubtes, and for many other difficulties that may in
the service happen.
Eudox: Your
causion is verie good; but now
towchinge the arche-Rebell him self, I meane the Earle of
Tyrone, if he, in al the tyme of theis warrs, should offer to
come in and submytt him self to her Majestie, woulde you
not have him recyved, gyvinge good hostages, and
sufficient assurance of him self?
Iren: No, marry;
for there is no doubt, but he will
offer to come in, as he hath done dyvers tymes alreadie,
but it is without any intent of true submission, as the effect
hath well showed; neither indeede can he now, if he woulde,
come in at all, nor gyve that assurance of him self that
shoulde be meete, for being, as he is, very subtill headed,
seinge him self now so farr engaged in this bad action, can
you thinke that by his submission he can purchase to him
self any sauftie, but that hereafter, when thinges shalbe
quieted, theis his villanyes wilbe ever remembered? and
whensoever he shall treade awry (as needes the most
righteous must some tymes) advantage wilbe taken
thereof, as a breache of his pardon, and he brought to a
reconinge for all former matters: besides, how harde it is for
him now to frame him selfe to subjection, that havinge
once sett before his eyes the hope of a kingdome, hath
therunto founde not onely encoragement from the greatest
Kinge of Christendome, but also founde great fayntnes in
her Majesties withstandinge [him], whereby he is animated
to thinke that his power is to defende him, and offende
further then he had done, when so ever he please, lett
every reasonable man judge. But yf he him selfe should
come in, and leave all other his accomplices without, as
Adonel, Macmahon, Mackuyre, and the rest, he must
needes thinke that then, even they will eare longe cut his
throate, which having drawen them all into this occasion,
now in the mydest of their trouble gyveth them the slipp;
wherby he must needes perceyve how impossible it is for
him to submytt himselfe. But yet if he woulde so doe, can
he gyve any assurance of his good obedience? For how
weake holde there is by hostages, hath to often been
proved, and that which is spoken of takinge Shan Oneales
sonnes from him, and setting them up against him, is a
very perilous councell, and not by any meanes to be put in
proof; for were they lett forth and coulde overthrowe them,
or what assurance can be had of them? It wilbe like the tale
in Æsope of the wild horse, who, havinge enmytie
against the Stagg, came to a man to desire his aide against
his enemye, who yeilding therunto mounted upon his back,
and so following the Stagg ere long slew him, but then when
the horse woulde have him alight, he refused, but kept him
ever after in his service and subjection. Suche, I doubt
woulde be the prose of Shane Oneales sonnes. Therefore it
is most daungerous to attempt any suche plott, for even
that very manner of plott, was the meanes by which this
traytorous Earle is now made great: for when as the last
Oneale, called Turlagh Lenagh, began to stand upon some
ticle termes, this fellow, then called Baron of Dungannon,
was sett up (as it were) to beard him, and countenaunced
and strenghened by the Queene so farr, as that he is now
hable to kepe her self play: muche like unto a gamester
which havinge lost all, borroweth of his next fellowe
gamester that is the most wynner, somewhat to
maynetayne play, which he, fetting unto him agayne,
shortly therby wynneth all from the wynner.
Eudox: Was this
rebell then sett up at first by
the Quene (as you saie), and now become so unduetifull?
Iren: He was I
assure you the [most] outcast of
all the Oneales then, and lifted up by her Majestie out of
the dust, to that he hath now wrought him selfe unto; and
now he playeth like the frozen snake, who beinge for
compassion relieved by the husbandman, soone after he
was warme began to hisse, and threaten danger even to
him and his.
Eudox: He surely
then deserveth the
ponishment of the snake, and shoulde worthely be hewed
to peeces. But yf you like not the setting Shane Oneales
sonnes against him, what say you then to that advise which
I hearde was gyven by some, to drawe in the Scotts, to serve
against him? how like you that advise?
Iren: Much worse
then the former; for who that
is experienced in those partes and knoweth not that the
Oneales are neerely alied unto the Mac Oneales of
Scotland, and to the Earle of Argill, from whom they use to
have all ther succors of those Scottes and Redshanks?
Besides, all these Scottes are, through long continuance,
intermingled and alied to all the inhabitants of the North;
so as ther is no hope they will ever be wrought to serve
faithfully against ther ould frends and kinsmen; And if they
would, how when the warrs are finished and they have over
throwen him, shall they themselves be put out? Do not all
know, that the Scotts were the first inhabitants of all the
North, and that those which are now called North Irish
were indede very Scotts, which challing the ancient
inheritance and dominion of that country to be their owne
anciently. This were then but to leape out of the pan into
the fier; for the chiefest caveat and provision in the
reformacon of the North must be to keepe out the Scotts.
Eudox: Indede, I
remember that in your
discours of the first peopling of Ireland, you shewed that
the Scithian or Scotts were the first that sat downe in the
North, wherby it semes they may challeng some right
therin. How comes it then that Oneale claimes the
dominion therof, and this Earle of Tirone saith the right is
in him? I pray you resolve me herin; for it is very needefull
to be knowne, and maketh most unto the right of the war
against him, whos successe useth commonly to be
according to the justnes of the caus, for which it is made: for
if Tiron have any right in that Seignory me seemes it should
be wrong to thrust him out: or if (as I remember you sayd in
the beginning) that Oneale, when he acknowleged the King
of England for his liege Lord and Soveraigne did, as he
allegeth, reserve in the same commission all his seigniories
and rights unto him self, it should be accoumpted unjust to
thrust him out of the same?
Iren: For the
right of Onele in the Seigniory of
the North, it is surely none at all: for besides that the Kings
of England conquered all the realme, and therby invested
all the right of that land to themselves and ther heires and
successours for ever, so as nothing was left in Onele but
what he received back from them, Onele himself never had
any auncient Seigniory in that country, but what by
usurpation and incrochment, after the death of the Duke
of Clarence, he got upon the English, whos lands and
possessions being formerly wasted by the Scotts, under the
leading of Edward le Bruce, as I formerly declared unto
you, he eftesones entred into, and sithence hath wrongfully
detayned, through the others occupations and greate
affaires which the Kings of England sone after fell into here
at home, so as they could not intend to the recovery of that
country of the North, nor restrayning the insolency of
Oneale; who, finding none now to withstand him in that
desolation, made himself Lord of thos few poeple that
remained there, upon whom ever sithence he hath
contenewed the first usurped power, and nowe exacteth
and extorteth upon all men what he list: soe that nowe to
subdue or expell an usurper, should be no unjust
enterprize nor wrongfull war, but a restitution of an
auncient right unto the croune of England, from whence
they were most unjustly expelled and long kept out.
Eudox: I am very
glad herein to be thus
satisfyed by you, that I may the better satisfy them whom I
have often heard to obiect these doubts, and slaunderously
to barck at the courses that are held against that traiterous
Earle and his adherence. But now that you [have] thus
settled your service for Ulster and Connaught, I would be
glad to heare your opinion for the prosecuting of Feagh
McHugh, who being but a base villaine, and of himself of
no power, yet so continually troubleth that state,
notwithstanding that he lyeth under ther nose, that I
disdaine his bould arrogancy, and thinck it to be the
greatest indignity to the Quene that may be, to suffer such
a caytiffe play such reakes, and by his ensample not onely
to give hart and incoragement to all such bold rebells, but
also to yeild the succor and refuge against her Majestie,
whensoever they fly into his Comerick: wherfore I would
first wish, befoore you enter into your plot of service against
him, that you should lay open by what means he, being so
base, first lifted him self up to this dangerous greatnesse
and how he mayteyneth his part against the Quene and her
power, notwithstanding all that hath bin don and
attempted ageinst him. And whether also hee have any
pretence of right in the lands he houldeth, or in the warrs
that he maketh for the same?
Iren: I will so,
at your pleasure, and since you
desire to know his beginning, I will not only discover the
beginning of his private house, but also the originall of all
his Sept of the Birnes and Tooles, so far as I have learned
the same from some of them selves, and gathered the rest
by reading: This poeple of the Birnes and Tooles (as before
I shewed you my conjecture) discended from the auncient
Britons, which first inhabited all those eastern parts of
Ireland, as ther names do betoken; for Brin in the Britons
language signifieth wooddy, and Toll hilly, which names, it
semeth, they tooke of the country which they inhabited,
which is all very mountaine and wooddy. In the which it
semeth that ever sithence the comming in of the English
with Dermonigile, they have continewed: Whether that
ther country being so rude and mountaynous was of them
despised, and thought [un]woorthy the inhabiting, or that
they were receaved to grace by them, and suffred to injoy
ther lands as unfit for any other, yet it semeth that in some
places of the same, they did put foote, and fortifyed with
sundry castles, of which the ruins there do only now
remayne, since which time they are growne to that
strength, that they are able to lift up hand against all the
estate; and now lately, through the boldnesse and late good
successe of this Feagh Mc Hugh, they are so far
imboldned, that they threaten perill even to Dublin, over
whos neck they continewally hang. But touching your
demand of these Feaghs right unto that countrey, or the
seignory which he claimes therin, it is most vaine and
arrogant. For this you cannot be ignorant of, that it was part
of that which was given in inheritance by Dermot
McMurrogh, Kinge of Leinster, to Strangbow with his
daughter, and which Strangbow gave over to the King and
his heires, so as the right is absolutely now in her Majestie;
and if it were not, yet could it not be in this Feagh, but in
Obrin, which is the auncient Lord of all that countrey; for he
and his auncestours were but followers unto O Brin, and his
grandfather, Shane Mac Turlogh, was a man of meanest
regard among them, neither having wealth nor power. But
his sonn Hugh Mac Shane, the father of this Feagh, first
began to lift up his head, and through the strength and
great fatnesse of Glan-Malor, which adioyneth unto his
house of Ballenecan, drew unto him many theeves and
outlawes, which fled unto the succor of the glenn, as to a
Sanctuary, and brought unto him part of the spoyle of all
the country, through which he grew strong, and in short
space getting to him self a great name therby amongest
the Irish, in whos footing this his sonn continewing hath,
through many unhappy occasions, increased his name,
and the opinion of his greatnesse, so that now he is become
a dangerous enemy to deale withall.
Eudox: Sure, I
commend him, that being of him
self of so bace as condicon, hath through his owne
hardenesse lifted himself to the height that he now dare
front princes, and make tearmes with great potentates; the
which as it is honorable to him, so it is to them most
dsgracefull, to be bearded of such a base varlet, that being
of late growne out of the dunghill beginneth now to
overcrow so high mountaines, and make him self great
protector of all outlawes and rebells that will repayre unto
him. But do you thincke that he is now so dangerous an
enemy as he is counted, or that it is so hard to take him
doune as some suppose?
Iren: No
verelye, there is no great reckoninge to
bee made of him; for hadd he ever beene taken in hand,
when the rest of the Realme, or at least the parts
adjoyninge, hadd beene quiet, as the honorable gentleman
that nowe governeth there, I meane Sir Willyam Russell,
gave a notable attempte thereunto, and hadd worthylie
performed yt, yf his course hadd not bene crossed
unhappelye, he could not have stood thre moneths, nor
ever have looked up against a very meane power: but now
all the parts about him being up in a madding moode, as
the Mores in Lease, the Cavanaghes in the county of
Wexford, and some of the Butlers in the county of
Kilkenny, they all flock unto him, and draw unto his
country, as to a strong hould where they thinck to be safe
from all that prosecute them: And from thence they do at
ther pleasures breake out into all the borders adjoyning,
which are well poepled countries, as the countys of Dublin,
of Kildare, of Carlough, of Kilkenny, of Wexford, with the
spoyles whereof they victell and strengthen them selves,
which should in short time be starved, and sore pined; so
that what he is of him self you may hereby perceive.
Eudox: Then, by
so much as I gather out of your
speach, the next way to end the warrs with him, and to roote
him quite out, should be to keepe him from invading of
thos countries adjoyning, which as I suppose, is to be donn,
by drawing all the inhabitants of thos next borders away,
and leaving them utterly wast, or by planting garisons upon
all thos frontieres about him, that, when he shall breake
forth, may set upon him and shorten his retourn.
Iren: You
conceive very rightly, Eudox., but for
the dispoepling and driving away all the inhabitants from
the countries about him, which ye speake of, should be
great confusion and trouble, aswell for the unwillingnesse
of them to leave ther possessopns, as also for placing and
providing for them in other countries, me seemes, the
better course should be by planting of garrisons about him,
the which, when soever he shall looke forth, or be drawne
out with desire of the spoyle of thos borders, or for necessity
of victuall, shall be alwayes ready to intercept his going or
comming.
Eudox: Where
then do you wish these garrisons
to be planted, that they may serve best against him; and
how many in every garison?
Iren: I my self,
by reason that, as I told you, I am
no marsiall man, I will not take upon me to direct so
dangerous affaires, but only as I understand by the
purposes and plotts, which the Lord Grey who was well
experienced in that service, against him did lay doune: to
the performance whereof he only required a 1000. men to
be layd in 4. garrisons: that is, at Ballincore, 200 footemen
and 50. hors, which should shut him out of his great glenn,
whereto he so much trusteth; at Knocklough 200. footemen
and 50. hors, to answer the county of Carlo; at Arclo or
Wicklo 200 footemen and 50 horsemen, to defend all that
side towards the sea; in Shelalagh 100 footemen which
should cut him from the Cavernaghes, and the county of
Wexford; and about the 3 castles 50. horsmen, which
should defend all the county of Dublin; and 100 footemen
at Talbotts toune, which should keepe him from breaking
into the county of Kildare, and be alwayes on his neck on
that side: the which garrisons, so lade, will so busy him, that
he shall never rest at home, nor stirr forth abrode but he
shall be had; as for his Creete they can not be above
ground, but they must needes fall into ther hands or sterve,
for he hath no fastnesse nor refuge for them, or his
partakers of the Mores, Butlers, and Cavanaghes. They will
sone leave him, when they see his fastnesse and strong
places thus taken from him.
Eudox: Surely
this semeth a plot of great reason,
and small difficulty, which promiseth hope of a short end.
But what speciall directions will you set doune for the
services and risings out of thes garrisons?
Iren: None other
than the present occasions
shall minister unto them, and as by good spialls, whereof
ther they cannot want store, they shall be drawne
coninually upon him, so as one of them shall be stil upon
him, and sometimes all at one instant bayte him. And this I
assure my self, will demand no long time, but will be all
finished in the space of one yere; which how small a thing it
is, unto the eternall quietnesse which shal therby be
purchased to the realme, and the great good which should
grow to her Majestie, should me thinck readily draw on her
Highnesse to the undertaking of the enterprise.
Eudox: You have
very well me semes, Irenius,
plotted a course for the atcheiving of thes warrs now in
Ireland, which seme to ask no long time, nor great charg, so
as th'effecting thereof be committed to men of some trust,
and some experience, aswell in the sayd country as in the
manner of thos services; for if it be left in the hands of such
raw captaines as are usually sent out of England, being
thereto preferred only by frendship, and not chosen by
sifficiensy, it will sone fall to the ground.
Iren: Therfore
it were meete me thincks that
such captaines onely were hereto imployed, as have
fomerly served in that country, and bin at least lieftenants
unto other captaines there. For otherwise, being brought
and transferred from other services abroade, as in France,
in Spaine, and in the Low-countries, though they be of good
experience in those, and have never so well deserved, yet in
these they will be new to seeke, and, before they have
gathered experience, they shall buy it with great losse to
her Majestie, either by hazarding of ther companies,
through ignorance of the places, and manner of the Irish
services, or by losing a great part of the time which is
required hereunto, being but short, in which it might be
finished, before they have almost taken out a new lesson, or
can tell what is to be donn.
Eudox: You are
no good frend to new captaines
it semes, Irenius, that you bar them from the credit of this
service: but to say truth, me thincks it were mete, that any
one, before he come to be a captaine, should have bin a
soldier; for, Parere qui nescit, nescit imperare. And
besides, ther is great wrong done to the ould soldier, who
from all means of advancement ( which is due unto him) is
cut of, by shuffling in thes new cutting captaines into ther
places, for which he hath long served, and perhaps better
deserved. But now thos that have thus as I suppose
finished all the war, and brought all things to that low eb
which you speake [of], what course will you take for the
bringing in of that reformation which you intend, and
recovering all thinges from this dissolute estate, in which
mee thincks I behould them now left, unto that perfect
establishment and new commonwealth which you have
conceived, of which so great good may redoune to her
Majestie, and an assured peace be confirmed? for that is
that wherunto we are now to looke, and do greatly long for,
being long since made weary with the huge charg which
you have lade upon us, and with the strong indurance of so
many complaints, so many delayes, so many doubts and
dangers, as will hereof I know well, arise: unto the which
before you come, it were mete me thincks that you should
take some order for the souldier, which is now first to be
discharged and disposed of, some way; the which if you do
not well fore-see, may grow to a great inconvenience, as all
this that we suppose you have quit us from, by the loose
leaving of so many thousand souldiers, which from hence
forth will be unfit for any labor or other trade, but must
either seke service and imployment abroade, which may
be dangerous, or ells will perhaps imploy them selves here
at home, as may bee discomodious.
Iren: You say
very true; and it is a thing much
misliked in this our common-wealth that no better cours is
taken for such as have bin imployed once in service, but
that retourning, whether maymed, and so unable to labor,
or otherwise, though hole and sound, yet afterward
unwilling to worke, or rather willing to make worke for the
hang-man. But that nedeth an other consideration; but to
this that we have now in hand, it is far from my meaning to
leave the souldier so at randome, or to leave that wast
realme so weake and destitute of strength, which may both
defend it against others that might seke to set upon it, and
also kepe it from that relaps which I before did forecast. For
it is one speciall good of this plot which I would devise, that
six thousand souldiers of those whom I have now imployed
in that service, and made throughly acquainted both with
the state of the country, and manners of the people, should
henceforth be still continewed, and for ever mayntayned of
the country, without any charg to her Majestie; and the rest
that either are ould, and unable to serve longer, or willing to
fall to thrifte, (as I have sene many souldiers after ther
service to prove very good husbands,) should bee placed in
parts of the lands by them woonn, at such rate, or rather
better then others, to whom the same shall be let.
Eudox: Is it
possible Irenius? can ther be any
such means devised that so many men should be kept still
for her Majesties service without any charg to her Majestie
at all? Surely this were an exceeding great good, both to her
Heighnesse to have so many ould souldiers alwayes ready
at call, to what purpose soever she list to imploy them, and
also to have that land therby so strengthned, that it shall
neither feare any forreigne invasion, nor practise, which the
Irish shall ever attempt, but shall kepe them under in
continewall awe and firme obedience.
Iren: It is so
indeede. And yet this truly I do not
take to be any matter of great difficulty, as I thinck it will
also sone appere unto you. And first we will speake of the
North part, for that the same is of most weight and
importance. So sone as it shall appere that the enemy is
brought doune, and the stoute rebell either cut of, or driven
to that wretchednesse that he is no longer able to hould up
hand, but will come into any condicions, which I assure my
self will be before the end of the second Winter, I wish that
there be a generall proclamation made, that whatsoever
outlawes will frely come in, and submit themselves to her
Majesties mercy, shall have liberty so to do, where they
shall either find that grace they desier, or retourn againe in
safety: upon which it is likely that so many as survive, will
come in to sue for grace, of which who so are thought mete
for subjection, and fit to be brought to good, may be
receaved, or ells all of them, for I thinck that all will be but a
very few; upon condicon and assurance that they will
submit themselves absolutely to her Majesties ordinance
for them, by which they shall be assured of life and liberty,
and be onely tied to such condicons as shall bee thought by
her mete for contayning them ever after in due obedience.
To the which condicons I nothing doubt but that they will
all most readily, and upon ther knees submit them selves,
by the proofe of that which I saw in Mounster. For upon the
like proclamation ther, they all came in tagge and ragge,
and when as afterwards many of them were denyed to be
received, they bad them doe with them what wolde, for they
would not by noe meanes retorne, nor goe forth. For in that
case who will not accept almost of any conditions, rather
then dye of hunger and miserye?
Eudox: It is
very likely so. But what then is the
ordinance, and what be the condicions which you will
purpose unto them, that shall reserve unto them an
assurance of lyfe and libertie?
Iren: Soe soone
as they have given the best
assurance of them selves which may be required, which
must bee I suppose some of their principall men to
remaine in hostage one of another, and some other for the
rest, for other suretye I reckon of none that may bynde
them, neyther of wyfe, neyther of children, synce then
perhappes thay wold gladly be rydd of both from the
famine; I would have them first unarmed utterly, and stript
quite of all there warlike weapons, and then, these
conditions sett downe and made knowne unto them; that
thay shalbe brought and removed with such creete as they
have, into Lympster, wher thay shalbe placed, and have
land given them to occupy and to lyve uppon, in such sorte
as shalbecome good subjectes, to labour thenceforth for
there lyvinge, and to apply them selves unto honest trades
of Civility as thay shall everye one be founde meete and
able for.
Eudox: Where
then, a Gods name, will you
place them in Lynster? or will you finde out any new land
ther for them that is yet unknowen?
Iren: Noe, I
will place them in all the country of
the Birnes and Tooles, which Feagh McHugh hath, and in
all the landes of the Cavanaghes, which are now in
rebellion, and all the landes which will fall to hir Majestie
there-aboute, which I knowe to be very spacious and large
yeanough to contayne them, being very nere twenty or
thirty myles wide.
Eudox: But what
then will ye doe with all the
Birnes, the Tooles, and the Cavanaghes, and all those that
now are joined with them?
Iren: At the
same very tyme, and in the same
manner that I make that proclamation to them of Ulster,
will I alsoe have yt made to these; and uppon ther
submission therunto, I will take lyke assurance of them as
of thother. After which I will translate all that remaine of
them unto the places of the other in Ulster, with there
Creete, and what els they have left them, the which I will
cause to be devided amongest them in some meete sorte,
as each may therby have somewhat to sustayne him selfe a
while withall, untill, by his further travell and labor of the
yearth, he shalbe able to provide himselfe better.
Eudox: But will
you then give the lande frely
unto them, and make them heires of the former Rebells?
soe may you perhapps make the heires also of their former
villanies and disorders; or how els will you dyspose of them?
Iren: Not so;
but all the landes I will give unto
Englishmene whom I will have drawne thither, whoe shall
have the same with such estates as shalbe thought meete,
and for such rente as shal eft-sones bee rated: under every
of those English men will I place some of those Irish to be
the tennantes for a certayne rent, accordinge to the
quantyty of such lande as every man shall have allotted
unto him, and shalbe founde able to meete, wherin this
speial regard shalbe hadd, that in noe place under any
lande lorde there shall remaine of them planted together,
but dyspersed wide frome there acquaintances, and
scattered far abroad thorough all the country: for that is the
evill which I nowe fynde in all Irelande, that the Irish dwell
altogether by there septes, and severall nacions, so as they
may practise or conspire what they will; wheras if there
were English shedd amongest them and placed over them,
thay should not bee able once to styrr or murmur, but that
yt should be knowne, and thay shortned accordynge to
there demerite.
Eudox: Ye have
good reason; but what rating of
rentes meane you? to what end doe you purpose the same?
Iren: My purpose
is to rate the rente of all those
landes of her Majestie in such sorte, unto those English
men as shall take them, as thay may be well able to lyve
thereuppon, yeiding hir Majestie a reasonable cheiferie,
and also give a competent maintenance unto the garrisons,
which shall ther be left amongest them; for these soldiors
(as I told you) remayning of the former garrisons, I cast to
mantaine uppon the rent of those landes which shalbe
escheated, and to have them devided through all Ireland in
such places as shalbe thought most convenient, and
occasion may require. And this was the course of the
Romaines observed in the conquest of England, for thay
planted of ther legions in all places convenient, the which
thay caused the country to mantayne, cuttinge uppon
every porcion of land a reasonable rente, which they called
Romestot, the which might nott surcharge the tennante or
freholder, and defray the pay of the garrison: and this hath
beene alwais observed in all princes in all countries to
them newly subdued, to sett garrisons amongest them to
contayne them in dutye whose burden they made them to
beare; and the want of this ordinaunce in the first conquest
of Ireland by Henry the Second, was the cause of soe shorte
decay of that goverment, and the quicke recovery againe of
the Irish. Therfore by all meanes it is to be provided for.
And this is it that I would blame, if it should not misbecom
me, in the late plantying of Munster, that noe care was had
of this ordinaunce, nor any strenth of a garrison provided
for, by a certayn alowance out of all the sayd landes, but
only the present profit loked unto, and the saf
continewance thereof ever herafter neglected.
Eudox: But ther
is a band of soldioures layed in
Mounster, to the mayntenance of which, what odds is there
whethere the Quene, receiving the rent of the countrye,
doe give pay at hir pleasure, or that ther be a settled
allowance appoynted unto them out of ther landes there?
Iren: There is
great oddes, for nowe that sayd
rent of the country is not usually applied to the pay of the
soldyars, but it is, (every other occasion comming betwene,)
converted to other uses, and the soldier in times of peace
discharged and neglected as unnecessary; whereas if the
sayd rent were appoynted and ordayned by an
establishment to this end only, it should not bee turned to
any other; nor in troublous times, upon every occasion, her
Majestie be so trobled with sendinge over newe soldiers as
she now is, nor the country ever should dare to mutine,
having still the soldiar in ther necke, nor any forraine
enymy dare to invade, knowinge ther so stronge a garrison
allwais to receave him.
Eudox: Sith then
you thinkee this Romescott of
the pay of the soldier uppon the lande to be both the
redyest way to the soldier, and lesse troblesome to hir
Majestie, tell us, I pray you, how ye wold have the sayd
landes rated, that both a rente may rise therout unto the
Queene, and also the souldiours receive pay, which (me
seemes) wilbe harde?
Iren: First, we
are to consider how much lande
there is in all Ulster, that according to the quantitye thereof
we may cesse the sayd rente and alowance yssuing
thereout. Ulster, as the auncient recordes of that realme
doe testifie, doeth contayne Nine Thousand plough landes,
every of which plowe landes contayneth six score acres,
after the rate of xxi. foot to every pearch of the sayd acre,
which amounteth in the whole to xviij[000]l, besides 6s. 8d.
chiefrie out of every plow-land. But becuase the county of
Louth, being a parte of Ulster, and contayning in yt vij. h.
and xij. plow-landes, is not wholy to escheat unto her
Majestie as the rest, thay having in all these warrs
continewed for the most parte duetyfull, though otherwise
a great parte therof is now under the rebels, ther is an
abatement to be made out of iiij h. or v h. plowe landes, as I
estimat the same, the which are not to pay the whole yearly
rente of xl [vis. 8d.] out of every plow land, like as the
escheated landes doe, but yet shall pay for ther
composition of cesse towardes the maintenance of the
soldier xxs. out of every plow lande: soe as ther is to be
deducted out of the former some iij h. yearly, the which
may neverthelesse be supplied by the rent of the fyshings,
which are exceeding great in Ulster, and alsoe by an
increase of rente in the best landes, and those that lye in
the best places nere the sea-cost. The which xviii
[thousand] pounds will defray the entertaynment of xv.
hundred soldyers, with some overplus toward the pay of the
victualls which are to be imployed in victualing of these
garrisons.
Eudox: So then,
belike,ye meane to leave xvc.
[1500] soldyers in garrison for Ulster, to be payed
principally out of the rent of those landes which shall there
escheat unto her Majestie. The which, wher I pray you, will
you have them garrisoned?
Iren: I will
have them devided into 3 parts; that
is, vc. [500] in every garrison, the which I will have to
remayne in thre of the said places where they were before
appoynted; to weete, v.c at Straban and about Loghfoyle,
and soe as thay may hold all the passages of that parte of
the country, and some of them be put in wardes, uppon all
the straights thereabouts, which I know to be such, as may
stope all passages into the country one that side; and some
of them alsoe upon the Bann, up towardes Logh Sidney, as
I formerly directed. Also other v.c. at the fort uppon
Logh-earne, and wardes taken out of them which shalbe
layde at Farmannagh, at Belicke, at Ballishannon, and on
all the straightes towardes Connagh, the which I knowe doe
so strongly commaunde all the passages that way, as that
none cann passe from Ulster into Connaught, without ther
leave. The last v.c. shall also remaine in their forte in
Monoghan, and some of them be drawen into wardes, to
kepe the keyes of all that country, both downwardes, and
also towardes Orlyes countrie, and the pale; as some at
Eniskilline, some at Belterbert, some at the Blacke forte,
and so alonge that river, as I formerly showed in the first
plantyng of them. And moreover at every of these fortes, I
wold have the seate of a towne layed forth and
incompassed, in which I wold wish that there should
inhabitants of all sortes, as merchantes, artificeres, and
husbanmen, to be placed, to whome ther shold be charters
and franchises graunted to incorporat them. The which, as
it wilbe no matter of difficulty toe draw out of England
persones which wold very gladly be so placed, so would it in
short space turne those partes to great commodity, and
bring ere longe to her Majestie much profit; for those
places are fite for trade and traffique, having most
convenient outgates by [rivers] to the sea, and ingates to
the richest partes of the lande, that they wold sone bee
enriched, and mightily enlarged, for the very seating of the
garrisons by them, besides, the safty and assurance which
they shall worke unto them, will alsoe draw thither store of
people and trades as I have sene ensampled at Mariburgh
and Phillipstowne in Leinstor, wher by reason of those two
fortes, though ther were but smale wardes left in them,
there are two good townes now growen, which are the
greatest stay of both those two countries.
Eudox: Indeed me
semes 3 such townes, as ye
say, would doe very well in those places with the garrisons,
and in shorte space wold be so augmented, as thay wold be
able with little [helpe] to inwall them selves strongley: but,
for the plantyng of all the rest of the country, what order will
yee take?
Iren: What other
then as I sayd to bringe
people out of England, which should inhabit the same;
whereunto though, I doubt not, but great troupes would be
ready to runn, yet for that in such cases, the worst and most
decayed men are most ready to remove, I would wishe
them rather to be chosen out of all partes of this realme,
either by discresion of wise men therunto appointed, or by
lott, or by the drumme, as was the ould use in sending forth
of Collinies, or such other good meanes as shall in ther
wisedome be thought metest. Amongst the cheife of which
I wold have the lande set into segniories, in such sort as yt is
now in Mounster, and devided into hundredes and
parishes, or wardes, as it is in England, and layed out into
sheires as yt was aunciently; vizt. the countie of
Downe, the countye of Antrim, the countie of Lowth, the
countye of Armagh, the countie of Cavan, the countye of
Colrane, the countie of Monaghan, the countye of Tiron,
the countie of Fermannagh, the countie of Donegall, being
in all 10. Over all which I wish a Lord President and a
Counsell to bee placed, which may keepe them
afterwardes in awe and obedience, and minister unto them
justic and equity.
Eudox: Thus I
see the whole purpose of your
plott for Ulster, and now I desire to heare your like opinion
for Cannagh.
Iren: By that
which I have already sayd of
Ulster, yee may gather my opinion for Cannagh, beinge
very answereable unto the former. But for that the landes,
which shall escheat unto hir Majestie, are not so intyrelie
togeather as that they cann be accounted unto one some, it
nedeth that they be considered severally. The province of
Cannagh contayneth in the whole, as appeareth by recorde
at Dubline, vii thousand and twoe hundred plowe landes of
the former measure, and is of late devided into six sheires
or countyes: the countie of Clare, the countye of Letrim, the
county of Roscaman, the county of Galway, the county of
Maio, the county of Sligoh. Of the which, all the county of
Slygoh, all the county of Maio, the most parte of the countie
of Lietrim, a greate parte of the county of Galway, and
some of the county of Clare, is lyke to escheate unto hir
Majestie for the rebellion of there present possessors. The
which two counties of Sligoh and Maio are supposed to
contayne almost iij [thousand] plowe landes, the rate
wherof, ratablie to the former, I valewe almost at vj
[thousand] li. p. ann. The countie of Roscomon, savinge
what pertayneth to the howse of Roscomon and some fewe
other English there lately seted, is all out, and therfore it is
wholy lykwise to escheat to her Majestie, savinge those
porcons of the English inhabitantes; and even those
English doe, as I understand by them, pay as much rente to
hir Majestie as is set uppon those in Ulster, countyng ther
composition money therwithall, so as it may runn all into
one reconinge with the former two countyes: So that this
countye of Roscomon, contayning xij.c. plowe landes, as yt
is accounted, amounteth to ij [thousand] iiijc. poundes by
the yeare, which with the former twoe countyes rent
maketh about viij [thousand] li. for the former wanted
somwhat. But what the escheated landes of the countyes of
Galway and Lietrim will rise unto is yet uncertayne to
define, till survay thereof be made, for that those landes
are intermingled with the Earle Clanricard, and other
[lands]; but it is thought that thay be thone halfe of both
those countyes, soe as thay may bee counted to the valewe
of one thousande plow-landes (for so many the least county
of them comprehendeth,) which maketh two thousand
poundes more, that is, in all, x or xi thowsand poundes.
Thother two counties must remaine till ther escheates
appeare, the which lettyng passe as yet unknowne, yet thus
much is knowne to be accounted for certayne, that the
composition of these twoe counties, beinge rated at xxs.
everye plowe lande, will amounte to above xiij [thousand] li.
more: all which being layd togeather to the former, may be
reasonably estimated to rise unto xiij [thousand] poundes,
the which some, togeather with the rest of the escheated
landes in the twoe last countyes, which cannot yet be
valued (beinge, as I doubt not, lesse than a thowsand
poundes more) will yeild largely unto a thowsand men and
ther victuallers, and a thowsand pounds over towards the
Governor.
Eudox: Ye have
me thinckes, made but an
estimate of those lands of Connaght even at a very venter,
so as it should be harde to build any certaintye of charge to
be raised uppon the same.
Iren: Not
altogeather yet uppon uncertantyes;
for thus much may easily appeare unto you for certayne, as
the composition money of every plowelande amounteth
unto; for this I would have you principally understande,
that my purpose is to rate all the landes in Irelande at xxs.
every plowlande, for there composition towardes the
garrison. The which I knowe, in regard of being feed from
all other charges whatsoever, wilbe redyly and most gladly
yeilded unto. Soe that there beinge in all Ireland (as
appeareth by there old rentes) 43920 plowelandes, the
same shall amounte to the somme likewise of 43920
poundes, and the rest to be reared of thescheated landes
which fall to hir Majesty in the said provinces of Ulster,
Connoght, and that parte of Leinster under the rebels; for
Mounster wee deale not withall.
Eudox: But tell
me this, by the way, doe you
then lay composition uppon thescheated landes as you doe
uppon the rest? for soe me thinckes, you recken all
togeather. And that sure were to much to pay vij nobles out
of every plowe lande, and composition money besides, that
is xxs. out of every plowelande.
Iren: Noe, you
mistake me; I put onely vij
nobles rent and composition both uppon every plowe lande
escheated, that is xls. for composicon, and vjs. vijd. for
cheifery to hir Majestie.
Eudox: I doe now
conceiue you; procede then I
pray you, to the appointing of your garrisons in Cannaght,
and shew us both howe many and where you would have
them placed.
Iren: I wold
have one thosand laide in Cannaght
in two garrisons; namely, v.c. in the county of Maio, about
Clan McCostulaghes, which shall kepe Mayo and the
Burckes of McWilliam Enter: thother v.c. in the county of
Clanricarde, about Garrandough, that thay may contayne
the [Conhors] and the [blank]
Burkes ther, the Kellies and Macknyars with all them
about; for that garrison which I formerly placed at
Lougharne will serve for all occasions in the county of
Sligah, Being nere adjoyning therunto, so as in one nighets
march they may be allmost in any place thereof when need
shall requier them. And like as in the former places of
garrison in Ulster, I wished iij corporat townes to be
planted, which under the safegarde of the strenth shall
dwell and trade safely with all the country about them, soe
would I alsoe wish to be in this of Connaght; and that
besides, there were another established at Athlone, with a
convenient warde in the castle there for ther defence.
Eudox: What
should that need, seing that the
Governor of Cannagh useth to ly there alwaies, whose
presence wilbe a defence to all that towneship.
Iren: I know he
doth soe, but that is much to be
dysliked that the Governor should lye so farre of, in the
remotest place of all the province, wheras it were meter
that he should be continually abidinge in the middest of his
charge, that he might both looke out alike into all places of
his goverment, and also be soone at hande in any place,
where occasion shall demaunde him; for the presence of
the Governor is (as you sayd) a great stay and brydle vnto
them that are ill disposed: like as I see it is well observed in
Mounster, wher the dayly good thereof is continually
apparant; and, for this cause alsoe doe I greatly mislike the
lorde Deputies seating at Dubline, being the outest corner
in the realme, and left neding the awe of his presence;
wheras, me seemes it were fitter, since his proper care is of
Leinster, though he hath care of all besides generally, that
he should seat himselfe about Athie, or therabouts, uppon
the skirt of that unquiet contry, so as that he might sit, as it
were, at the very mayne mast of the shipp, whenc he might
easly overlooke and some tymes overreach the Mores, the
Butlers, the Dempses, the Ketines, the Conners, Ocarrell,
Omoloy, and all that heape of Irish nations which ther ly
hudled togeather without any to over-rule them, or
contayne them in dutye. For the Irish man, I assure you,
feares the goverment noe longer then he is within sight or
reach.
Eudox: Surely me
thinckes herin you observe a
matter of much importance, more then I have heard ever
noted; but sure that semes so expedient, as that I wonder it
hath beene hertofore over omitted; but I suppose the
instance of the cittizens of Dublin is the greatest let there.
Iren: Truly,
then it ought not so to bee; for noe
cau[s]e have they to feare that it wilbe any hindrance for
them; for Dubline wilbe still, as it is, the key of all passages
and transportacons out of England thither, to noe lesse
profit of those citizens then it now is, and besides other
places will herby receave some benefytt. But let us now, I
pray you, come to Lynster, in the whcih I wold wish the
same course to be observed as in Ulster.
Eudox: You meane
for the leavinge of the
garrisons in there fortes, and for planting of English in all
those countryes bewene the county of Dubline and the
county of Wexforde; but thosw wast wild places, I thinke,
when thay are woone unto her Majestie, that ther is none
that wilbe hasty to seek to inhabite.
Iren: Yes,
ynough, I warrante, for though the
whole tracte of the countrie bee mountaine and wodie, yet
there are manie goodlie vallies amongst them, fytt for fayre
habytation, to which those mountaines adjoyned wilbe a
greate increase of pasturage; for that countrie is a verie
great soyle of cattell, and verie fitt for breed: as for corne it
is nothing naturall, save onlie for barlie and oates, and
some places for rye, and therfore the larger peniworth may
be allowed vnto them, though other wyse the wyldnes of the
mountaine pasturage doe recompence the badnes of the
soile, soe as I doubt not but it will finde inhabitants and
undertakers enough.
Eudox: How much
then doe you thinke that all
those landes which Pheagh McHugh holdeth under him
may amount unto, and what rent may be reared therout to
the mayntenance of the garrisons that shalbe layd there?
Iren: Truly, it
is ympossible by aime to tell yt,
and as for experience and knowledge, I doe not thinke that
there was ever any of the particulars thereof, but yet I will, if
it please you, gesse therat, uppon grounde only of there
judgment which have formerly devided all that countrye
into twoe sheires or countyes, namely the county of
Wickloe, and the county of Fernes: the which twoe I see
noe cause but thay should holy escheat to her Majesty, all
but the barrony of Arclo which is the Earle of Ormwoodes
auncient inheritance, and hath ever bene in his possession;
for all the whole lande is the Quenes, unlesse there be
some graunt of any parte therof to be showed from hir
Majestie: as I thinke there is only of New Castle to Sir
Henry Harrington, and of the castle of Fernes to Sir
Thomas Masterson, the rest, being almost thirty miles over,
I doe suppose canne contayne noe lesse then two
thousande plowelandes, which I will estimat at iiij
[thousand] li. rent, by the yeare. The rest of Leinster, being
vij countyes, to weete, the countye of Dubline, Killdare,
Catherlogh, Wexford, Kilkenye, the Kinges and the
Queenes countye, doe containe in them 7400. plowelandes,
which amounteth to so many poundes for composition to
the garrison, that makes in the whole xi [thousand] iiijc. l.,
the which some will yeild pay unto a thowsand souldiars,
little wantynge, which may be supplied out of other landes
of the Cavenaghes, which are to be escheated to her
Majestie for rebellione of ther possessions, though
otherwise indeed they be of hir owne auncient demaine.
Eudox: It is a
great reason. But tell us now where
you wold wish those garrisons to be laied, whether
alltogeather, or to be dyspersed in sundry places of the
country?
Iren: Mary, in
sundry places, to weete, in this
forte, or much the like as may be better advised, for cc. in a
place I doe thinke to be enough for the safegarde of the
countrie, and kepinge under all sudden upstartes, that
shall seeke to trouble the peace thereof: therfore I wishe
[200.] to be layede at Ballinocros for the kepinge of all bade
persons from Glammalour, and all the fastenes
thereaboutes, and also to conteynne all that shalbe planted
in those lands thenceforthe. Another 200. at Knockloughe
in there former place of garrison, to kepe the Briskagh and
all those mountaines of the Cavanaghes; 200. more to lye at
Fearnes, and upwardes, inwardes upon the Slane; 200. to be
placed at the fort of Leix, to restraine the Mores, Ossorie,
and Ocarroll; other 200. at the forte of Ofaley, to carbe the
Oconnors, Omolys in [Mac] Coghlane Maccughejan, and
all those Irish nations borderinge thereaboute.
Eudox: Thus I
see all your thousande men
bestowed in Leinster: what saye you then of Meath, which is
the firste parte?
Iren: Meath,
which conteyneth bothe Estmeath
and Westmeath, and of laite the Analy, nowe called the
country of Langforde, is accoumpted therunto: But Meath
it selfe (accordinge to the ould recordes) 4320. plowelandes,
and the county of Langford 947., which in the whole make
5267 plowlandes, of which the composition monye will
amounte likewise to 5267 li. to the maintenance of the
garrisone. But because all meath, lyinge in the bosome of
that kingdome, is alwayes quiet ynough, yt is needelesse to
put anye garrison there, soe as all that charge may be
spared. But in the countye of Longforde I wishe 200.
footmen and 50. horsemen to be placed in some
convenient seate betwene the Annalie and Breine, as
aboute Lough Silone or some like place of that ryver, soe as
they myght keepe both the Oneales, and alsoe the
Ofarralles, and all that outskirte of Meathe in awe; the
which use uppon everye lighte occasion to be stirringe, and
having contynuall enmitye amongeste themselves, doe
therby oftentymes troble all those partes, the charge
wherof beinge 4400 and odde poundes is to be cut oute of
that compositione money for Meath and Longforde, the
overplus, beinge almost 2000 li. by the yeare, will come in
clearly to her Majestie.
Eudox: It is
worth the harkening unto. But nowe
that you have done with Meath, proceed I praye you to
Mounster, that wee may see howe it will rise ther for the
manteynance of the garrisone.
Iren: Monster
conteyneth by recorde at
Dublyne 16000 plowlandes, the compositione whereof, as
the reste, will make 16000 li. by the yeare, out of the which I
would have 1000. soldyers to be mainteyned for the defence
of that province, the charge, which with the victualers
wages, will amount to 12000 li. by the yeare; thother 4000 li.
will defray the charges of the Precydence and the Consell
of that province.
Eudox: The
reckininge is easye; but in this
accompt, by your leave, me thinkes you are deceaved, for
in this some of the compositione money you accompt the
landes of the undertakers of that province, whoe are, by
ther graunte frome the Queene to be free frome all such
impositions whatsoever, exceptinge there only rente, which
is surely ynoughe.
Iren: Yee saye
true, I did soe; but the same 20 s.
for everye plolande I ment to have deducted out of the
rente due upone them to her Majestie, which is noe
hindrance, nor charge at all more to her Majestie then it
nowe is, for all that rente which she receves of them, she
putteth forth againe to the mayntenaunce of the
Presidencie there, the charge whereof yt doth scarselye
defraye; whereas in this accompte bothe that charge of the
Presidencye, and alsoe of 1000 soldyors more, shalbe
maynteyned.
Eudox: It should
be well, if it coulde be brought
to that. Nowe wher will you [have] your 1000 men
garrysoned?
Iren: I would
have 100 of them placed at the
Bantrie where is a most fytt place, not onlye to defende all
that side of the countrye west parte frome forraine
invasion, but alsoe to answere all occasions of trobles, to
which that countrye, being so remote, is verye subiecte.
And surelye here alsoe would be placed a good towne,
havinge both verye good haven and plentifull fishinge, and
the land beinge already escheated to her Majestie, being
forcaible kepte from her by a rough tayle kerne that
proclaimes him selfe the bastarde sonne of the Erle of
Clancar, beinge called Donnell Mac Chartie, whom it is
meet to forsee to cut of; for [as] whensoever the Erle shall
dye, all those landes, after hime, are to come to her
Majesty, he is like to make a foule stire there, though of
hime selfe of noe power, yet through supportance of some
others whoe lye in the winde, and looke after the fall of that
inheritance. Another 100 woulde I have placed at
Castlemaine, wich should kepe all Desmonde and Kerrye,
for it answereth them both most covenyentlye: Alsoe
aboute Kylmore in the countye of Corke would I have 200
placed, which shoulde breake that neste of theves there,
and answere equallye both the countye of Lymbricke, and
alsoe the countye of Corke: Another 100 whold I have lye at
Corke, aswell to command the towne, as alsoe to be readye
for anye forreine occasione: likewise at Waterforde, would I
place 200, for the same reasones, and alsoe for other privie
causes, that are noe lesse importante. Moreover on the
side of Arlo, nere to Maskrye Werke, which is the county of
the Bourkes, aboute [Kill-patricke,] would I have 200 to be
garrisoned, which shoulde skowre both the White Knightes
countrye and Arlo, and Muskre Wherkes, by which places
all the passages of theeves doth lye, which convaie there
stealthe from Mounster downwardes towards Tipperarie,
and that Englishe Payle, and from the English Pale alsoe
uppe unto Mounster, whereof they use to make a common
trade. Besides that, ere longe I doubte the countye of
Tipperarie yt selfe will neade such a strength in yt, which
were good to be there readye before the evill fall, that is
daylye of some expected: and thus you see all your
garrisones placed.
Eudox: I see it
right well, but lett me I praye you,
by the way aske the reasone whie in those cyties of
Mounster, namely Waterforde and Corke, you rather
placed garrysons then in all the others in Irelande? For
they maye thinke them selves to have great wrounge to be
so charged above all the reste.
Iren: I will
tell you: those two cytties, above all
the reste, doe offer an ingate to the Spanyarde moste fytlie;
and alsoe inhabytants of them are moste ill affected to the
Englishe government, and moste frendes to the
Spanyardes; but yet, because they shall not take
exceptione to this, that they are charged above all the reste,
I will alsoe laye a charge upon the others likewise; for in
deede it is no reason that the corporatee Townes, enjoyinge
great franchises and priviledges from her Majestie, and
livinge therby not only safe, but drawinge to them the
wealth of all the lande, should live so free as not to be
partakers of the burthen of this garrysone for there owne
safetye, specially in this time of trouble, and seinge all the
reste burdened; and therfore, I will thus charge them all
ratably, accordinge to there abilities, towardes there
mayntenance, the which her Majestie may yf she please,
spare oute of the charge of the reste, and reserve towards
her owne costes, or adde to the charge of the Presydence in
the Northe.
Waterford |
100. |
Clonmell |
10. |
Dundal[k]e |
10. |
Corke |
100. |
Cashell |
10. |
Mollinger |
10. |
Lymricke |
50. |
Fedred |
10. |
Newry |
10. |
Galwaye |
50. |
Kilkiny |
25. |
Trime |
10. |
Kinsaile |
10. |
Wexford |
25. |
Ardrye |
10. |
Dinglecushe |
10. |
Treddagh |
25. |
Kells |
10. |
Youchall |
10. |
Rosse |
25. |
Dubline |
100. |
Kilmallocke |
10. |
Suma 490.
[should be
630.]
Eudox: It is
easie, Iren: to laye a charge upone
any towne, but to forsee howe the same maye be answered
and defrayed is the chefe parte of good advisemente.
Iren: Surely
this charge which I put upon them I
knowe to be soe resonable, as that it will not much [be]
felte, for the porte townes which have benefitte of
shippinge maye cutte it easelye of there tradinge, and in
inlande townes of their corne and cattall: nether doe I see,
but since to them the benefitte of peace doth redownde,
that they specially should beare the burden of ther
safegardes and defence, as wee see all the townes of the
lowe countries doe cut upone them selves an excise of all
thinges towardes the maintenance of the warre that is
made in ther behalfe, to which thoughe the[y] feare not to
be compared in riches, yett are to be charged accordinge to
their poverty.
Eudox: But now
that yowe have sett upone these
forces of soldyers, and provided well as you suppose, for
ther paye, yett there remaineth to forcaste howe they may
be vitualed, and where purvayance therof may be made;
for in Irelande yt selfe I cannot see howe anye thinge
almoste is to be had for them, beinge alredye soe pittifullye
wasted as it is with this shorte tyme of warre.
Iren: For the
firste two yeares indeed it is
needefull that they be vitualled out of Englande
throughlye, from halfe yeare to halfe yeare, aforehande.
Which time the Englishe Paile shall not be burdened at all,
but shall have tyme to recover them selves; and Mounster
alsoe, beinge reasonablie well stored, will by that tyme, if
God send sesonable wether, be throughly well furnished to
supplye a greate parte of that charge, for I knowe there is a
great plentye of corne sent over sea from thence, the which
if they myght have sayle for at home, they would be glad to
have money so neare hande, speciallye yf they were
straightlye restrayned from transportinge of it. Thereunto
alsoe there wilbe a great healpe and furtherance gyven to
the puttinge forwarde of hubandrye in all meate places, as
hereafter shall in due place appeare. But hereafter, when
thinges shall growe to a better strengthe, and the country
be replenished with corne, as in shorte space yt will if it be
well folowed, for the country people themselves are greate
plowers, and smale spenders of corne, then woulde I wishe
there should be good store houses and magazines erected
in all those great places of garrisons, and in all greate
townes, aswell for the victuallinge of soldyers and shipps, as
for all occasions of sudden services, as alsoe for
preventinge of all tymes of dearth and scarsitye: and this
want is much to be complayned of in Englande above all
other countryes, whoe, trustinge to much to the usuall
blessinge of the earth, doe never forcaste anye such hard
sesaons, nor any such sudden occasions as these
troblesome tymes maye everye daye bringe forthe, when it
wilbe too late to gather provisione from abroad, and to
bringe perhapes from farre for the furnishinge of shipes or
soldyers, which peradventure maye need to be presently
imployed, and whose wante maye (which God forbid) happ
to hazarde a kingdome.
Eudox: In deed
the wante of those magasynes
of victualls, I have harde oftentymes complayned of in
England, and wondred at in other countreyes, but that is
nothinge nowe to oure purpose; but as for these garrisons
which yee have nowe so stronglye planted throughout all
Irland, and everye place swarminge with soldyers, shall
there be noe end of them? For nowe thus beinge me
semeth, I doe see rather a countrye of warre then of peace
and quiet, which ye erste pretended to worke in Irelande;
for if you bringe all thinges to the quietnes which yee said,
what nead then to maintaine soe great forces as ye have
charged upon it?
Iren: I will
unto you, Eudox. in privitye discover
the drifte of my purpose: I mean (as I toulde you) and doe
well hoppe therby bothe to settle an eternall peace in that
country, and alsoe to make yt very profitable to her
Majestie, the which I see muste be broughte in by a stronge hande, and
soe contenued untill it growe into a stedfast
course of governmente, the which in this sorte will nether
be defyculte nor dangerous; for the soldyers beinge once
broughte in for the service into Ulster, and havinge
subdued it and Connaught, I will not have hyme to laye
downe his armes anye more, tyll he have effected that
which i purpose: that is, firste to have this a generall
compositione for the mayntenance of these througheout
all the realme, in regarde of the trobles tymes, and daylye
danger which is threatned to this realme by the King of
Spaine: and thereupone to bestowe all my soldyers in
[such] sort as I have done, that noe parte of all Irlande
shalbe able to dare soe much as quinch. Then will I bring
eftsones in my reformacon, and thereupon establishe such
an order of govermente as I may thinke meteste for the
good of that realme, which beinge once established, and
all thinges put into a righte way, I dowbt not but they will rune
one farely. And though they would ever seeke to swarve
asyde, yet shall they not be able without forraine violence
once to remoove, as you your selfe shall sone, I hope, in
your owne reasone readelye conceve; which if it shall ever
appere, thene maye her Majestie at pleasure withdrawe
some of the garrisone, and torne ther paye into her purse,
or if she will never please soe to doe (which I would rather
wish), then shall she have a nomber of brave oulde
soldyers alwayes readye for anye occasion that she will ymploe vnto,
suppliinge there garrisones with fresh ones in there steed;
the maintenance of whome shalbe noe more charge to
her Majestie then nowe the realme is; for all the revinue
thereof, and muche more, she spendeth, even in the most
peaceable tymes that are there, (as things nowe stande).
And in tyme of warre, which is sure nowe everye vij yeare,
she spendeth infynite tresure besides to smale porpose.
Eudox: I perceve
your porpose; but nowe if you
have thus strongly made waye unto your reformacon, as
that I see the people soe humbled and prepared that they
will and muste yeald to any ordynance that shalbe geuen
them, I doe much desire to understand the same; for in the
beginninge you promised to shewe a mean howe to
redresse all those inconveniences and abuses, which you
shewed to be in that state of governmente, which nowe
standeth ther, as in the lawes, customes, and religione:
wherin I woulde gladlye knowe firste, whether, in steed of
those lawes, you would have newe lawes made? for nowe,
for oughte that I see, you maye doe what you please.
Iren: I see,
Eudox. that yowe well remember our
firste porpose, and doe rightlye contynue the course
thereof. Firste therfore to speake of lawes, since we firste begane
with them, I doe not thinke yt convenient, though nowe it
be in the power of the Prince to change all the lawes and
make newe; for that should bread great toble and
confusione, aswell in the Englishe now dwellinge and to be
planted, as alsoe in the Irishe. For the Englishe, havinge
bene trained upp alwayes in the Englishe governement, will
hardely be enduced unto any other, and the Irishe wilbe
better drawne to the Englishe, then the Englishe to the
Irishe governmente. Therfore since wee cannot nowe
applie lawes fitte to the people, as in the firste institutione
of comone-welthes it ought to be, wee will applye the
people, and fitt them to the lawes, as it most conveniently
maye be. The lawes therfore we resolve shall abyde in the
sam sorte that they doe, bothe Commone Lawes and
Statutes, onlye suche defectes in the Comone Lawe, and
inconveniens in the Statutes, as in the begininge wee
noted, and as men of deep insighte shall advise, may be
changed by some other newe actes and ordynances to be
[by] a Parlymente there confirmed: as those of tryalls of
Ples of the Crowne, and private righte betwene parties,
colorable convaiances, [and] accessaries.
Eudox: But howe
will those be redressed by
Parlimente, when as the Irishe, which swaye moste in
Parlamente, as you said, shall oppose them selves againste them?
Iren: That maybe
well avoyded: for nowe that
soe manye free-holders of Englishe shalbe established,
they togeather with Burgesses of townes, and such other
loyall Irishe men as may be preferred to be Knightes of the
shire, and such like, wilbe able to beard and counterpose
the reste; whoe alsoe, beinge nowe broughte more in awe,
will the more easelye submite to anye such ordynances as
shalbe for the good of them selves, and that realme
generallye.
Eudox: You say
well, for the incresse of the
Freholders, for ther nombers will hereby be greatlye
augmented; but howe shall it passe throughe the higher
house, [which] will styll consiste all of Irishe?
Iren: Marie,
that alsoe maye be redressed by
example of that which I hard was donne in the like case, by
Kinge Edwarde the Theerd, as I remember, whoe, beinge
greatly barred and crossed by the billes of the Clargie, they
beinge then by reasone of the Lord Abbote and others, too
many and stronge for them, soe her could not for there
forwardnes, order and reforme thinges as he desiered, was
advised to dyrecte forth his writtes to certaine Gentlemen,
and of the beste abilitye and truste, intitlinge them therin
Barrons, to serve and sytt as Barrons in the next Parlyment.
By which meanes he had soe manye Barons in his
Parlamente, as were able to weighte downe the Clarge and
there frendes: the which Barons they saye, were not
afterwardes lordes, but onely Barronits, as sundrye of them
doe yett retayne the name. And by the like devise her
Majestie maye nowe likewise curbe and cut shorte those
Irishe unrulye lordes that hinder all good proceedinges.
Eudox: It semeth
noe lesse then for reforminge
of all those inconveniente statutes which yee noted in the
beginninge, and redressinge of all those evell costomes,
and lastelye, for settinge sounde religione amongest them:
mee thinkes yee should not neade anye more to over-goe
those particulers againe, which you menconed, nor anye
other which might besides be remembred, but to leave to
the reformacon of such a Parlamente, in which, by the good
care of the Lord Deputye and Consell, they maye all
amende. Therfore nowe that you maye come come to that
genarall reformacon which you spake of, and bringinge in
of all that establishement, by which you said all men should
be conteyned in duetie ever after, without the terror of
warlike forces, or violent wrestinge of thinges by sharpe
punyshmente.
Iren: I will soe
at your pleasure, the which me
semes by noe meanes can be better plotted, then by
example of suche other Realmes as have ben annoyed with
the like evelles, Ireland nowe` is, and useth styll to be. And
firste in this Realme of England, yt is manifeste, by the
reporte of the Cronycles and other aunciente writers, that it
was greatly infected with robbers and outelawes, which
lurked in woodes and faste places, whence they vsed often
tymes to breake forth into the highe wayes, and sometymes
into smale villages to robbe and spoyle. For redresse
whereof it is written that Kinge Allured, or Alfride, whoe
then raigned, did devide the relme into shires, and the
shires into hundredes, [and the hundredes] into rapes,
Rapentackes, and wapentackes into tythinges: So that tenn
tythinges made an hundred, and five made a laythe or
weapentacke, of which tenn, eache one was bounde for
another, and the eldest or best of theme, whom they called
the Tythingman or Bourroghsolder, that is, the eldest
plege, became suretye for all the reste. Soe that if anye one
of theme did starte into anye undutiful actione, the
Burroughsolder was bounde to bringe hyme forth, whoe
joyninge eftesones with all his tythinge, would folowe the
loose persone through all places, till they brought hyme in.
And if all the tythinge fayled, then all the lathe was
charged for the tythinge, and if that lathe fayled, then all
the hundreth was demanded for theme; and if the
hundreth, then the shire, whoe joyninge eftsones
altogether, would not rest tyll they had founde oute and
delyvered in, that unlawfull felowe which was not
ameanable to lawe. And herin yt semed, that that good
Saxon Kinge folowed the Consell of Jethro to Moyses, who
advised hyme to devide the people into hundreds, and to
sette Captaines and wise men of trust over them, which
shoulde take the charge of them, and ease hyme of that
burden. And soe did Romulus, as you may reade, devyde
the Romaines into trybbes, and the tribbes into centuryons
or hundreds. By this ordynaunce this Kinge brought this
realme of Englande, which before was most trooblesome,
unto that quiet state, that noe one badd person could stirre
that he was [not] streighte taken hould of by those his
tythinge, and ther Burrowsolder, whoe beinge his
neighboure or next kindesman was pryvie to all his wayes,
and loked narrowly to his life. The which institutione yf it
were observed in Irland, would worke that effecte which it
did in Englande, and kepe all men within the Compasse of
duetie and obedyence.
Eudox: This is
contrary to that you said before;
for, as I remember, you said that ther was a greate
disproportione betwene Englande and Irlande, soe as the
lawes which were fittinge of the one would not fitt the other.
Howe comes it then nowe, that ye would transferre a
principall institutione from Englande to Irland?
Iren: This lawe
was not made by a Norman
conqueror, but by a Saxon Kinge, being at what tyme
England was verye like to Irland, as nowe it standes: for it
was, I tould you, annoyed greatly with robbers and
outlawes, which trobled the whole realme, everye corner
havinge in it a Robyn Hoode, that kept all woodes, and
spoiled all passingers and inhabitants, as Irland nowe
haith; soe as, me semeth, this ordynance would fitt verye
well, and bring them all into one.
Eudox: Then,
when you have thus tithed the
commonaltye, as you say, and set Burrowsolders over them
all, what would you doe when yee came to the gentlemen?
would you hold the same corse?
Iren: Yee,
marye, most specially; for this you
must knowe, that all the Irishe almoste boste them selves
to be gentlemen, noe lesse then the Welchmen; for if he
cane deryve hymselfe from the heade of a sept, as most of
them can, they are [so] experte by there Bardes, then soe
holdeth hyme selfe a gentleman, and thereupon scorneth
eftsones to worke, or vse anye harde laboure, which he
saith is the liese of a pessant or churle; but thenceforth
either becometh a horseboye, or a stocage to some kerne,
inuring hyme selfe to his weapone, and to the generall
traide of stealinge, (as they count it). Soe that if a
gentleman, or anye worthye yoman of them, have anye childrene, the
eldeste of them perhappes shalbe kepte in some order, but
all the reste shall shifte for them selves, and fall to this
occupacon. And it is a commen use amongest some of
there beste gent[lemen] tenantes sonnes, that soe soone
as they are able to use there weapons, they streight gether to
themselves three or foure strauglers, or kernes, with
whome wanderinge a while idellye vpe and downe the
countrye, takinge onlye meate, he at laste falleth unto
some badde occasione that he shalbe offrede, which
beinge once made knowen, he is thencforthe counted a
mane of worth, in whom there is corrage; whereupon there
drawe to hime manye other like loose younge men, which,
stirringe hime up, with encouragement, provoke hyme
shortlye to flatte rebellion; and this happens not onlye in
the sonnes of gentle[men], but oftentymes by there noblemen,
specially there base borne sonnes, as there are fewe
without some of them. For they are not onlye not ashamed
to acknowledge them, but alsoe to boste of them, and use
them in such secrett services as they themselves will not be
seen in, as to plauge there enemyes, spoyle there
neighbores, to oppresse and crush some of [their] owne to
to stubborne freholders, which are not tractlable to their
badde willes. Two such bastardes of the Lord Roches there
are nowe out in Mounster, whom he doth not only
countenance but alsoe pryvilye mainteyne and relyve
mightely amongest his tenantes. Such other is thereof the
Erle of Clancarte in Desmond, and manye otheres in many
other places.
Eudox: Then it
semeth that this ordynance of
tythinge them by the pole is not only fitt for the gentlemen,
but alsoe for the noblemen, whom I would [have] thought to
have bene soe honourable mynded, as that they should not
need suche a base kinde of lyvinge, being bounde to there
allegance, [who] should rather have held in and stayed all
others from undutifulnes, then need to be forced
thereunto them selves.
Iren: Yet soe it
is, Eudox: but yet because that
noblemen cannot be tythed, there beinge not manye
tythinges of them, and because a Barrowe holder over
them should not only be a great indignitye, but alsoe a
danger to adde more power to them then they have, or to
make one the comander of tenne, I holde it meet that there
were onelye sewerties taken of them, and one bounde for
another, wherbye, if anye shall swarve, his sewerties shall
for safegarde of ther bandes bringe hyme in, or seeke to
serve upon him: and besydes, I would wish them all to be
sworne to her Majestie, which they never yet were, but at
the first creatyon; and that oath would sure contayne
them greatly, or the breach of yt bringe them to shorter
vengence, for God useth to punishe perjurye sharply. So I
read, in the raigne of Edward the 2, and also of Henry the 7,
when the tymes were very broken, that there was a
corporate oath taken, of all the lordes and best gentlemen
of fealty to the Kinge, which nowe is noe lesse nedfull,
because many of them are suspected to have taken an
other oath privylie to some badd purpose, and therupon
they have receaved the Sacramente, and ben sworne to a
preist, which they thinke bindeth them more then theire
alleagance to their Prince, or love of their countrye.
Eudox: This
tythinge of the common-people,
and takinge suretyes of lordes and gentlemen, I like very
we, but that it wilbe very troblesome: should yt not be as
well to have to have them all booked, and the lordes and
gentlemen to take all meaner sorte upon themselves? for
they are best able to bringe them in, whensoever any of
them started out.
Iren: This inded
Eudoxus hath bene hitherto,
and yet is a comon order amongst them, to have all the
people booked by lords and gentlemen, but yt is the worst
order that ever was devised; for by this bokinge of men, all
the inferyour sort are brought under the commaundes of
theire lords, and forced to followe them into any actyon
whatsoever. Now this ye are to understand, that all the
rebellyons which ye see from tyme to tyme hapen in
Ireland, are not begune by the comon people, but by the
lords and captaines of countryes, upon pride or wilfull
obstanacye against the government, which whensoever
they enter into, they drawe with them all their people and
such followers, as thinke themselves bound to goe with
them, because they have boked them and undertaken for
them. And this is the reasone that you have fewe such badd
occasyons here in England by reason that the noble men
howeever they should hapen to be evill disposed, have no
commande at all over the comynalty, though dwellinge
under them, because every man standeth upon himselfe,
and buildeth his fortunes upon his own fayth and firme
assurance: the which this manner of tythinge the powles
will worke also in Ireland. For by this the people are broken
into many small parts, like lytle streames, that they canot
easely come together into one heade, which is the
princypall regard that is to be had in Ireland to kepe them
from growinge into such a head, and adheringe unto
greate men.
Eudox: But yet I
canot see how this can be
brought about, without doinge greate wrong unto the noble
men there; for at the conquest of the realme, those greate
signoryes and lordships were given them by the King, that
they should bee the stronger againste the Irish, by the
multitude of followers and tennauntes under them: all
which hould their tenementes of them by fealtye, and such
services, wherby they are by the first graunte of the King,
made bound unto them, and tyed to rise out with them
upon all occasyons of service. And this I have often heard,
that when the Lord Deputies have raysed any generall
ostinges, the noble men have claymed the leadinge of
them, by graunt from the Kings of England inder the
Greate Seale exhibyted; so as the Deputye[s] would not
refuse them to have the leadinge of them, or yf they did,
they would so worke, as none of they[r] followers should rise
forth to the ostinge.
Iren: Yee say
very true; but will ye see fruite of
those grauntes? I have knowne when those lords have had
the leadinge of theire owne followers under them to the
generall ostinges, that they have for the same cut upon
every plowland within their country forty shillinges or
more, wherby some of them have gathered above vij. or viij.
c. li., and others much more into there purse, in lieue
wherof they have gathered unto themselves a nomber of
lose kernes out of all parts, which they have caryed forth
with them, to whome they never gave penny of
entertaynment, allowed by the contry or forced by them,
but let them feed upon the contryes, [and] extorte upon all
men where they cam; for thatpeople will never aske better
entertaynment then to have a collour of service or
imployment geven them, by which they will powle and
spoile so outragiously, that the very enemy cannot do much
worse: and besides turne them to the enemy.
Eudox: It semes
the first intents of these
grauntes was against the Irish, which now some of them use
against the Queene her selfe: But now what remedye is
there for this? or how can these grauntes of the Kinges be
avoyded, without wronge of those lords which had those
landes and lordships geven them?
Iren: Surely
they may be well enough; for most
of those lords, since the first grantes from the Kings by
whome these landes were geven them, have sence
bestowed the most parte of them amongst theire kinsfolke,
as everye lord perhaps in his tyme hath geven one or
another of his principall castells to his yonger sonnes and
other to others, as largly and as amply as they were given
to him; and others they have sold, and others bought,
which were not in theire first grauntes, which nowe neverthelesse
they bringe within the compas therof, and take and exacte
upon them, as theire first demeanes of all thiose kindes of
services, yea and the very wilde Irishe exactyons as Coynie
and Lyverye for him, and such like, by which they pole and
utterly undoe the pore tennantes and frehoulders under
them, which ether through ignorance knew not theire
tennors, or through greatnes of theire newe lords dare not
chalenge them; yea, and some lords of countryes also, as
greate ones as themselves, are nowe by stronge hand
brought under them, and made theire vassalls. As for
example Arundell of the Strande in the County of Corke,
who was auncyently a greate lord, and able to spend 3500 li.
by the yeare, as apeareth by good recordes, is nowe
become the Lord Barryes man, and doth to him all those
services, which are due unto her Majestie. For reformacon
of which, I wish that theire were a commissyon graunted
forth under the Great Seale, as I have seene one recorded
in the ould councell Boke in Mounster: that was sent forth
in the tyme of Sir William Drurye unto persons of specyall
trust and judgment to enquire thoroughout all Ireland,
beginninge in one countye first and so restinge a while
untill the same were setled, by the verdicte of a sounde
and substantyall jurye, howe every man houldeth his landes, of
whome and by what tennor, so that everye one should be
admitted to shewe and exhibite what right he hath, and by
what services he houldeth his lande, whether in cheife or in
soccage, or in knight service, or els soever. Thereupon
would apeare, first howe all those greate English lords do
claime those greate services, what signoryes they usurpe,
what wardships they take from the Queene, what landes of
hers they concealde: and then, howe those Irish captaines
have encroched upon the Queenes frehoulders and
tennantes, how they have translated the tennors of them
from English houldinge into Irish Tanistre, and defeated
her Majestie of all her right and duetyes whcih are to acrew
to her therabout, as wardshipps, liveryes, marriages and
fines of allyenacons, with many other comodyties; which
nowe are kepte and conceald from her Majesty to the
vallowe of 60000 li. yearely, I dare undertake, in all Ireland,
by that which I knowe in one countye.
Eudox: This,
Iren. would seme a dangerous
commission, and redy to stirre uppe all the Irish in
rebellion, who knowinge that they have nothinge to shewe
for all those lands which they hould, but theire swordes,
would rather drawe them then suffer theire landes to be
thus drawne away from them.
Iren: Neyther
should theire landes be taken
away from them, nor the uttermost advantages enforced
against them: But this by descretyon of the commissioners
should be made knowne unto them, that it is not her
Majesties meaninge to use any such extremetye, but onely
to reduce thinges into order of English lawe and make
them hould their landes of her Majestye and to restore to
her her due services, which they detayne out of those
landes which were auncyently helde by her Majestye. And
that they should not onely [not] be thrust out, but also have
estates and grauntes of theire landes newe made to them
from her Majestye, so as they should thenceforth hould
them rightfullye, which they nowe usurpe most wrongfully;
and yet withall I would wish that in all those Irish countryes
there were some land reserved to her Majestyes free
disposytyon for the better contayninge of the rest, and
enterninglinge them with English inhabytantes and
customes, that knowledg might styll be had by them of
theire doinges, so as no manner of practise or conspiracye
should be in hand amongst them, but notice should be
given therof by one meanes or another, and theire
practises prevented.
Eudox: Truly
neither can the Irish, nor English
lords, thinke themselves wronged, or hardly delt withall
herin, to have that indeed which is none of their owne at all,
but her Majestyes absolutely, geven unto them with such
equall condicons, as that both they may be assured therof,
better then they are, and also her Majestye not defrauded
of her right utterly; for yt is a greate grace with a prince, [to]
take that with condicons which is absolutely her owne. Thus
shall the Irish be well satisfied, and as for the greate men
which had such grauntes made them at first by the Kings of
England, [it] was in regard they should kepe out the Irish,
and defend the Kings right, and his subjectes: but now
seinge that, in sted of defendinge them, they robb and
spoyle them and, in stead of kepinge out the Irish, they doe
not onely make the Irish theire tennantes in those lands,
and thrust out the English, but also they themselves
become mere Irish, with marrying them, fosteringe with
them, and combinynge with them against the Queene;
what reason is there but those grauntes and precedentes
should be eyther revoked, or at least reduced to theire first
intencon for which they were graunted? for surely in my
opinyon they were more sharpely to be chastised and
reformed then the wilde Irish, which, beinge very rude at
the first, are nowe become somewhat more civill, when as
English, from Englyshe are growene to be wilde and mere
Irishe.
Iren: Indede as
you saye, Eudox: these do need
a sharper reformacon than the very Irish, for they are much
more stuborne, and disobediente to lawe and
governement, than the Irish be; and more mallytious than
the English that are dayle sent over.
Eudox: Is that
possible? I pray you, howe comes
yt to passe? what might be the reason herof?
Iren: Mary, they
saye that the land is theires,
onely by right, beinge first conquered by theire auncestors,
and that they are wronged by the newe Englishe men's
entringe theire unto, whom they call la sa Bona, that
is in English with a greate reproch as they would rate a
dogge. [And for] that some of youre auncestors were in
tymes past (when they were Civill and uncorupted)
deputyes and Justices of the land, they thinke that the like
authoritye should be comytted unto you and the charge of
the Realme lefte in theire hands; which, for that they se
now otherwise disposed and that trust not given them
(which theire auncestors had) they thinke them selves
greately indignyfyed and disgraced therby, and so growe
both discontented and undutyfull.
Eudox: In truth,
Irenyus, this is more than ever I
hard, that the English-Irish there should bee worse then the
wild Irishe: O Lord, howe quickly doth that country alter
mens natures! It is not for nothinge I perceave that I have
heard, that the Councell of England thinke yt not good
polycye to have that realme reformed, or planted with
English, lest they should growe so undutyfull as the Irish,
and become much more dangerous: as apeareth by the
example of the Lacyes in the tyme of Edward the Second,
which you spake of, that shoke of theire religion to theire
naturall Prince, and turned to Edward le Bruce, devisinge
to make him Kinge of Irelande.
Iren: No tymes
have bene without bad men:
But as for that purpose of the Councell of England, which
ye speake [of,] that they should kepe that Realme from
reformacon, I thinke, they are most lewdlye abused, for
theire greate carfulnes and earnest endeavors do witnesse
the contrarye. Neyther is yt [the] nature of the countrye to
alter a mans manners, but the badd mindes of them, whom
havinge bene brought uppe at home under a straight rule
of dutye and obedyence, beinge alwayes restrayned by
sharpe penaltyes from lewde behavior, so soone as they
come thither, where they see lawes so slackely tended, and
the hard [restraint] which they were used unto nowe
slacked, they growe more lose and carelesse of theire
dutye. As yt is the nature of all men to love libertye, so they
become flatt libertynes, and fall to flatt licentyousnes, more
bouldly daringe to disobay the lawe, through presumptyon
of favor, and freindshippe, then any Irish dare.
Eudox: Then yf
it be so, me thinkes your late
advisement was very evell, whereby you wished the Irish to
be sowed and sprinckled with the English, [and] in all the
Irishe countryes to have English planted amongst them for
to bringe them to Eng[lish] fashons, since the English be
soner drawne to the Irish, then the Irish to the English: for
as I said before, [if] they much rune with the streame, the
greater number will carry awaye the lesse: Therefore me
semes by this reason yt should be better to parte the Irishe
and English, then to mingle them together.
Iren: Not so,
Eudox: but where there is no good
staye of government, and stronge ordinances to hold them,
there inded the fewer will followe the more, but where there
is due order of discipline and good rule, there the better
shall goe foremost, and the worst shall followe. And
therefore since Ireland is full of her owne nacon, that may
not be rooted [out], and somewhat stored with English
alredy, and more to be, I thinke yt best by an unyon of
maners, and conformytye of mindes, to bringe them to be
one people, and to put awaye the dislikefull conceipt both
of the one, and of thother, which wilbe by no meanes better
then by this interminglinge of them: that neyther all the
Irish may dwell together, nor all the Englishe, but by
translatynge of them and scatteringe them in small
numbers amongst the English, not onely to bringe them by
dayly conversatyon unto better likinge of each other, but
also to make both of them lesse able to hurte. And therfore
when I come to the tythes, I will tythe them one with
another, and for the most parte will make the Irish man the
tything-man, wherby he shall take the lesse exceptyon to
partiallitye and yet be the more tyed therby. But when I
come to the Head Borough, which is the head of the lath,
him will I make an Englishman, or Irish man of no small
assurance: as also when I come to apointe the Elderman,
that is the head of the hundreth, him will I surely chuse [to
be] an English man of specyall regarde, that may be a stay
and piller of all the Boroughs under him.
Eudox: What do
you meane by your hundred?
and what by your Borough? By that, which I have red in
auncyent recordes of England, one hundred did contayne a
hundred villages, or as some saye a c. plowlandes, beinge
the same which the Saxons called Cantred; the which
cantred, as I finde it recorded in the blacke boke of
Irelande, did contayne 30, Villattas terr@aelig;, which some
call, quarters of land, and every Villatta can maintayne 400
cowes in pasture, and the 400. cowes to be devided in 4
heardes, so as none of them shall come nere another: every
Villata contayneth 17 plowlandes, as is there set downe.
And by that which I have red of a Borough, it signyfieth a
free towne, which had a principall officer, called a head
borough, to become ruler, and undertake for all the
dwellers under him, havinge for the same franchises and
priviledges graunted them by the King, wherof yt was
called a free boroughe, [and] of the lawyer Franciplegium.
Iren: Both that
which ye sayde, Eudox: is true,
and yet that which I sayd not untrue; for that which ye
speake of devidinge the contrey into hundreds, was a
devise of the lands of the Realme, but this which I tell, was
of the people, who were thus devided by the poll: so that an
c. in this sence signyfyeth a c. pledges, which were under
the command and asurance of theire alderman, the which,
as I suppose, was also called a waapentacke, so named of
touchinge the weapon or sparke of theire alderman, and
swearinge to folowe him faythfully, and serve theire Prince
trulye. But others thinke that a weapontacke was ten
humdreds or Boroughs: likewise a boroughe, as I here use
yt, and as the ould lawes still use yt, is not a borough
towne, as they nowe call yt, that is a franchist towne, but a mayne
pledge of c. free persons, therfore called a fre borough or as
ye say Franciplegium: For Borh in ould Saxon say
signyfieth pledges or suretyes, and yet yt is so used in some
speeches, as Chaucer sayth St. John to barrowe,
that is for assurance and warrantye.
Eudox: I
conceave the difference. But now that
ye have thus devided the people into these tythinges, and
hundreds, howe will you have them so preserved and
continued? for people do often chaunge theyr dwellinges,
and some must dye, whilst othersome doe growe up into
strength of yeares, and become men.
Iren: These
hundred I would [wish] to assemble
themselves once every yeare with theire pledges, and to
present themselves before the justices of peace, which
shalbe thereunto apointed, to be survayed and nombred,
to se what change hath happened since the yeare before;
and, the defectes to suply of those yonge plantes late
growne uppe, which are diligently to be overloked and
vewed of what condicon and demeanor they be, so as
pledges may be taken for them, and they put into order of
some tythinge: of all which alteracons note is to be taken,
and bookes made thereof accordingly.
Eudox: Now mee
thinkes Irenius, ye are to be
warned to take good hede, leaste unawares ye fall into the
inconveniencyes which you formerly founde faulte with in
others; namely, that by this bokinge of them, you do not
gather them into another head, and havinge broken theire
former strength, do not againe unite them more stronglye:
for every Alderman, havinge all his fre pledges of his
hundred under his command, may me thinkes, yf he be yll
disposed, drawe all his companye into any evill actyon. And
likewise, by this assemblinge of them once a yeare unto
theire Alderman by theire weapontackes, take heede least
ye also give them occasyon and meanes to practise any
harme in any conspiracye.
Iren: Neyther of
both is to be doubted; for the
aldermen and headborrowes will not be such men of power
and countenance of themselves, being to be chosen
thereunto, as neede to be feared: Neither, yf he were, is
his hundred at his commaund further then his Princes service;
and also every tything man may controll him in such a
case. And as for the assemblinge of the hundred, much
lesse is any danger therof to be doubted, seinge yt is before
a justice of peace, or some high constable to be therunto
apointed: so as of these tythinges there can no peryll ensue,
but a certayne assurance of peace and greate good; for
they are thereby withdrawne from theire lords, and
subjected to theire Prince. Moreover for the [better]
breakinge of these heades and sectes, which I tould you
was one of the greatest strengthes of the Irishe, me thinkes,
yt should do very well to renewe that ould statute that was
made in reigne of Edward the Fourth in England, by which
it was comaunded, that wheras all men that used to be
called by the name of theire sectes, accordinge to theire
severall nacons, and had no surnames at all, that from
thenceforth each one should take unto himselfe a severall
surname, eyther of his trade or facultye, or of some quallety
of his body or mynde, or of the place where he dwelte, so as
everye one should be distinguished from other, or from the
most parte, wherby they shall not onely not depend upon
the head of their secte, as nowe they doe, but also shall in
shorte tyme learne quyte to forgett this Irish natyon. And
herewithall would I also wish all the Oes and the Mackes
wich the head of the sectes have taken to theire names, to
be utterly forbiden and extinguyshed; for that the same
beinge an ould manner (as some sayth) first made by O
Brin, for the strengthninge of the Irish, the abrogatinge
therof will asmuch infable them.
Eudox: I like
this ordinaunce very well; but now
that you have thus devided and distinguished them, what
other order will you take for theire maner of lyfe? for all
that, thoughe perhaps yt may kepe them from
disobedyence and disloyaltye, yet will yt not bringe them
from theire barbarisme and savadge lyfe.
Iren: The next
[thing] that I will doe shalbe to
apointe to every one, that is not able to live of his frehoulde,
a certayne trade of lyfe, to which he shall find himselfe
fitteste, and shalbe thought ablest, the which trade he
shalbe bounde to followe, and live onely therupon. All trades therfore
[it] is to be understode [are to
be] of iij kindes, manuell, intellectuall, and mixed,
th'one containinge all such as nede the exercyse of bodely labor to
the performance of theire professyon; th'other consistinge
onely of the exercyse of the witte and reason; the third
parte of bodely labor, and parte of the witte, but
dependinge [most] of industrye and carefulnes. Of the first
sorte be all handycrafts and husbandrye labor. Of the
seconde be all scyences, and those which are called the
liberall Arts. Of the thirde is marchandize and chafferye,
that is, buyinge and sellinge; and without all these iij there
is no commonwealth can almost consyst, or at the leaste be
perfecte. But the wretched realme of Ireland wanteth the
most princypall of them, that is, the intellectuall; therfore in
sekinge to restore her state yt is specyall to be loked unto.
But because of husbandrye, which supplyeth unto us all
thinges necessarye for foode, whereby we cheifly live,
therfore yt is first to be provided for. The first thinge then
that we are to drawe these newe tythed men unto, ought to
be husbandrye. First, because yt is most naturall and most
needefull; then, becuase it is most naturall; and lastly,
because yt is most enemy to warre, and most hateth
inquietnesse, as the Poet sayth,
---- 'bella
execrata collonis:'
But husbandrye beinge
the nurse of thrifte, and the daughter of industrye and
labor, detesteth all that may worke her scathe, and destroy
the travell of her hands, whose hope is all her lives
comforte unto the plough: therfore are all those Kearne,
Stochaus, and Horsboyes, to bee drawen and mad to
imploye that ablenesse of bodye, which they [were] wonte
to use to thefte and villainye, hencforth to labor and
husbandrye. In the which, by that tyme they have spente
but a lytle payne, they will find such swetenes and happy
contentment, that they will hardly afterwardes be hayled
away from yt, or drawne to their wonted leude lyfe in
theivery and rogerye. And beinge thus once entered
therunto, they are not onely to be countenanced and
encoradged by all good meanes, but also provided that
theire children after them may be brought up in the same,
and succed in the rome of their fathers. To which end there
is a Statute in Ireland alredy well provided, which
comaundeth that all the sonnes of hubandmen shalbe
trayned uppe in theire fathers trade, but it is, God wot, very
slenderly loked unto.
Eudox: But do
you not counte, in this trade of
husbandrye, pasturinge of cattell, and kepinge of theire
cowes? for that is reckoned as parte of husbandrye.
Iren: I knowe yt
is, and nedfull to be used, but I
doe not meane to allowe any of these able bodyes, which
are able to use bodely labor, to followe a fewe cowes
grasinge, but such impotente persons, as beinge unable for
stronge travell, are yet able to drive cattell to and froe the
pasture; for this kepinge of cowes is of yt self a very idle lyfe,
and a fit nursery for a theife. For which cause, ye
remember, I dislyked the Irishman for kepinge of Bollyes
in Sommer upon the mountayne, and lyvinge after that
savadg sorte. But yf they will alwayes fede any cattle, or
kepe them on the mountaynes, let them make some
townes nere to the mountaynes syde, where they may dwell
together with neighbors, and be conversante in the vewe of
the world. And to say truth, though Ireland be by nature
counted a greate soyle of pasture, yet I had rather have
fewer cowes kept, and men better mannred, then to have
such huge increase of cattell, and no increase of condicons.
I would therfore wish that there were some ordinaunce
made amongst them, that whatsoever kepeth twentye kine
shold kepe a plough goinge, for otherwise all men would
fall to pasturinge, and none to husbandrye, which is a
greate cause of this dearth nowe in England, and a cause
of the usuall stealthes now in Ireland: For loke in all countryes that
live in such sorte by kepinge of
cattell, and you shall find that they are both very barbarous
and uncivill, and greatly given to warre. The Tartaryans,
the Muscovites, the Norwayes, the Gothes, the Armenyans,
and many other do witnes the same. And therfore since
nowe we purpose to drawe the Irish from desire of warre
and tumults, to the love of peace and civylitye, yt is
expediente to abridge theire custome of heardinge, and
augment their trade more of tyllinge and hubandrye. As for
other occupacons and trades, they ned not to be enforced
ot, but every man bound onely to followe that he thinks
himselfe aptest for. For other trades of artificers wilbe
occupied for very necessityes, and constrayned use of
them; and so likewise will marchandize for the gaine therof;
but learninge and bringing up in liberall scyences, will not
come of yt selfe, but must be drawne on with straight lawes
and ordinaunces: And therfore yt were mete that such an
acte were ordayned, that all the sonnes of lords and
gentlemen, and such others as are able to bring them up in
learninge, should be trayned uppe herin from theire
childhodes. And for that end everye parish shalbe forced to
kepe one pettye scholemater, adjoininge unto the parish
charge, to be the more in veiwe, which should bringe up
theire children in the first rudiments of letteres: and that, in
every country of baroney, they should kepe another able
scholemasiter, which should instructe them in grammer,
and in the princyples of scyences, to whom they shold be
compelled to send theire youth to be discyplyned, wherby
they will in shorte tyme growe uppe to that civyll
conversasyon, that both the children will loath the former
rudnes in which they were bred, and also theire parentes
will, even by the ensample of theire yonge children,
perceave the foulnes of theire owne brutishe behavior
compared to theires: for learninge hath that wonderfull
power of yt selfe, that yt can soften and temper the most
sterne and savadge nature.
Eudox: Surely I
am of your minde, that nothing
will bring them from theire uncivill life soner then
learninge and discypline, next after the knowledge and
feare of God. And therfore I doe still expecte, that ye
should come thereunto, and set some order for reformacon
of religion, which is first to be respected; accordinge to the
sayinge of CHRIST, 'First seke the
kingdome of heaven, and the righteousnes therof'.
Iren: I have in
mynde so to doe; but let me, I
pray you, first finish that which I had in hand, wherby all the
ordinances which shall after be set downe for religion may
abid the more firmely, and be observed more diligently.
Now that this people is thus tythed and ordred, and every
one bound to some trade of lyfe, which shalbe particulerly
entred and set downe in tythinge bookes, yet perhaps
there wilbe some straglers and runagates which will not of
themselves come and yeld themselves to this order, and
yet after the well finishinge of the present warre, and
establishinge of the garisons in every stronge place of the
countrye, where theire wonted refuge was most, I suppose
there will fewe stand out, or yf they doe, they will sone be
brought in by the eares: But yet afterwardes, least any one
of these should swarve, or any that is tyed to a trade should
afterwardes not followe the same, according to this
institutyon, but should straggle upp and downe the
countrye or mich in corners amongest theire friends idllye, as Carrowe,
Bardes, Jesters, and such like, I would
wish that there were a Provost Marshall apointed in everye
sheire, which shoud continually walke thorough the
countrey, with half a dozen, or halfe a score horsemen, to
take up such lose persons as they should finde thus
wandringe, whom he should punish by his owne
authoretye, with such paynes as the persons should seme
to deserve: for yf he be but once so taken idelye roginge, he
may punishe him more lightlye, as with stockes, or such
like: but yf he be found agayne so loytringe, he may scorge
him with whips, or roddes, after which yf he be taken
agayne, let him have the bitternes of the Marshall lawe.
Likewise yf any relickes of the rebellion be found by him,
that eyther have not come in and submitted him selfe to
the law, or that havinge once come in, breake forth againe,
and walke disorderlye, let them tast of the same cuppe in
Gods name; for yt was due to them for theire first guilte,
and nowe beinge revived by theire later lose nes, let them
have theire first deserte, as nowe beinge found unfitt to live
in a commonwealthe.
Eudox: This were
a good maner; but me thinkes
yt is an unnecessarye charge, and also unfitte to continue
the name or forme of any marshall lawe, when as there is a
proper oficer apointed alredy for these turnes, to witt the
sherife of the sheire, whose particuler ofice yt is to walke
contynually up and downe his Bayliwicke, as ye would have
a marshall, to snatch up all those runagates and
unprofitable members, and to bringe them to his gaole to
be punyshed for the same. Therfore this may well be
spared.
Iren: Not so, me
semes; for though the sherife
have this authorytye upon himselfe to take upe all such
traytors, and imprison them, yet shall he not doe so much
good, nor worke that terror in the hartes of them, that a
marshall will, whom they shall knowe to have power of life
and death in such cases, and specially to be apointed for
them: Neyther doth yt hinder but that though yt perteyne
to the sherife, the sheriffe may do therin what he can, and
yet the marshall may walke his course besydes; for both of
them may doe the more good, and may terrifye the idle
rogue, knowinge that though he have a watche upon thone,
yet he may light upon th'other. But this proviso is nedfull to
be had in this case, that the sherif may not have the like
power of life as the marshall hath, and as heretofore they
have bene accustomed; for yt is dangerous to give power of
lyfe into the hands of him which may have benefyte by the
partyes death, as, yf the sayd lose liver have any goodes of
his owne, the Sherife is to seize therupon, wherby yt hath
commen often to passe, that some who have not perhaps
deserved judgemente of death, though otherwise perhaps
offendinge, have bene for theire goods sake caught up,
and caryed straight to the boughe; a thinge inded pittyfull and
very horryble. Therfore by no meanes would I wishe the
Sherife to have such authoretye, nor yet to imprison that
loosel tyll the Sessions, for soe all gaoles might sone be
filled, but [to] sned him to the Marshall, who, eftsones
findinge him faultye, shall give him mete correctyon, and
rid him away forthwith.
Eudox: I do nowe
perceave your reason well.
But come we nowe to that wherofe we earst spake, I meane,
to religion and religious men; what order will you sett
amongst them?
Iren: For
religion lytle have I to say, my self
beinge as I sayde not professed therin, and yt selfe beinge
but one, so as there is but one waye therin; for that which is
true onely is, and the rest are not at all, yet in plantinge of
religion this much is nedfull to be observed, that being not
sought forceablie to be impressed into them with terror
and sharpe penaltyes, as nowe is the manner, but rather
delivered and intymated with myldnes and gentlenes, so as
yt may not be hated before yt be understod, and theire
Professors dispised and rejected. For this I knowe that most
of the Irish are so farre from understandinge the popish
religion as they are of the protestantes professyon; and yet
do they hate that though unknowne, even for the very
hatred which they have of the Eng[lish], and of theire
government. Therefore yt is expedient that some discreete
ministers of theire owne contrymen be first sent amongst
them, which by theire mild perswasyons and instructyons,
as also by theire sober lyfe and conversacon, may drawe them
first to understand, and afterwardes to imbrace, the doctrine of theire
salvacon; for yf that the auncyent godly fathers,
which first converted them, beinge infidells, to the faith,
were able to drawe them from infidelyte and pagansye to
the true beliefe in CHRIST, as S.
Pattricke, and S. Columb, how much more the godly teachers bringe them
to the true
understandinge of that which they alredy professe? wherin
yt is greate wonder to see the odds which is betweene the
zeale of Popish Preists, and ministers of ye Gospell; for they
spare not to come out of Spaine, from Rome, from Rhemes,
by longe toyle and dangerous travell hither, where they
knowe perill of death awayteth them, and no rewarde nor
ritches is to be found, onely to drawe the people to the
Church of Rome; whereas some of our idle ministers,
having a way for credit and estymacon therby opned unto
them, and having the livinges of the country offred them,
without paines, without perill, will neither for the same, nor
for any love of God, nor zeale of religion, nor for all the good
which they might doe by winninge of so many soules to
God, be drawne forth from theire warme neastes and theire
swete loves sydes to loke out into Gods harvest, which is
even redy for the sickle, and all the feildes yellowe longe
agoe: doubtlesse these good ould fathers will, I feare me,
rise uppe in the day of judgment to condemne them.
Eudox: Surely,
yt is greate pittye, Irin[i]us, that
there are none chosen out of the mynisters of Eng[land],
good sober, and discreete men, which might be sent over
thither to teach and instructe them, and that there ys not
asmuch care had of theire soules as of theire bodyes; for
the care of both lyeth upon the Prince.
Iren: Were there
never so many sent over
thither they should do small good tyll one enormity be
taken from them, that is, that both they be restrayned from
sendinge their yonge men abroade to other Universytyes
beyond seas, as Rhemes, Doway, Lovaine, and the like, and
that others from abroade be restrayned from cominge to
them; for their lurkinge secretly in theire houses and in
corners of the countrye do more hurte and hindrance to
religion with theire private perswasyons, then all the others
can doe with theire publicke instructyons; and though for
these latter there be a good statute theire ordeyned, yet the
same is not executed, and as for the former theire is noe
lawe nor order for theire restrainte at all.
Eudox: I mervell
that yt is no better loked unto
and not onely this, but also that which, I remember, you
mencyoned in your abuses concerninge the profittes and
reveneues of the lands of fugitives in Ireland, which by
pretence of certaine collorable conveyances are sent
continuallye over unto them, to the comfortinge of them
and others against her Majestye, for which here in Eng[land]
there is good order taken: and why not then aswell in
Ireland? For though there be no statute there yet enacted
therefore, yet might her Majestye, by her onely prorgative,
seize the fruictes and profites of those fugitives lands into
her handes, tyll they came over to testefye theire true
allegeance.
Iren: Indeed she
might so doe; but the
combrous tymes do perhaps hinder the regarde therof, and
of many other good intencons.
Eudox: But why
then did they not minde yt in
peaceable tymes?
Iren: Leave we
that to theire grave
consideracons, but procede we forwarde. Next care in
religion is to builde up and repaire all the ruine[d]
churches: ther, the most parte ly even with the grounde,
and some [that] have bene lately repayred, and thatched
are so unhandsomely patched, and thatched, that men doe
even shun the places for the uncomlynes thereof: therfore I
would wish that there were order taken to have them builte
in some better forme, according to the churches of
England; for the outward shewe, assure your selfe, doth
greatly drawe the the rude people to the reverencinge and
frequye[n]tinge therof, what ever some of our to nice foles
saye, there is nothinge in the semely forme and comly
order of the church. And, for so kepinge and continuynge
them, there should likewise Church-wardens of the gravest
men in the parishe be apointed, as there be here in
England, which should take the yearely charge both hereof,
and also of the schole-houses, which I wished to be builded
nere to the sayd churches; for maintenance of both which,
yt were mete that som severall porcon of land were alotted,
seinge no more mortmaines are to be loked for.
Eudox: Inded me
semes it would be so
convenyente; but when all is done, how will you have this
churche served, or your mynisters mayntayned? since the
livinges (as you sayd) are not sufficent scarce to make them
a newe gowne, much less to yeelde meete maintenaunce
accordinge to the dignitye of theire degree.
Iren: There is
noe waye to helpe that, but to laye
two or three of them together, untill such tyme as the
contrye growe more ritche and better inhabited, at which
times the tythes and other obvencons will also be more
agmented and better vallued: But now that we have thus
gone throough all theire sorts of trades, and set a course for
their good establishment, let us yf you please, goe next to
some other nedfull pointes of other publicke matters, no
lesse concerninge the good of the commonwealth, though
but accydently dependinge on the former. And first I wish
that order were taken for the cuttynge downe and openinge
of all paces thorough woodes, so that a wide waye of the
space of c. yardes might be layde open in every of them for
the safety of travellers, which use often in such perillous
places to be robbed, and sometymes murthered. Next, that
bridges were builte upon all rivers, and all the fordes
marred and spilte, so as none might passe anye other waye,
but by those bridges, and every bridge to have a gate and a
small gatehouse sett thereon; wherof this good will come
that no night stealthes, which are comonly driven in
bywayes and by blinde fordes unused of any but such like,
must be conveyed out of one contrye into another, as they
use, but that they must passe by those bridges, where they
may be hapely encountred, or easely tracked, or not
suffred to passe at all, by meanes of those gatehouses
therin: Also that in all streights and narrowe passages, as
betwene twoe bogges, or through any deepe forde or
under any mountayne syde, there should be some litle fortillage,
or wodden castell sett, which should kepe and comand that
streight, wherby any rebells that should com in the contrye
might be stopped the way, or passe with great perill.
Moreover, that all high wayes should be fenced on both
sydes, leavinge onely fortye foote bredthe for passage, so as
none should be able to passe but thorough the high waye,
wherby theeves and night robbers might be the more
easely pursued and encoutred, when there shalbe no other
waye to drive theire stollen cattell but therein [as] I
formerly declared. Further, that there should in sondrye
covenyent places, by the highe waye [be] townes apointed
to be builte, the which should [be] townes apointed to be
builte, the which should be fre borrowes, and incorporate
under Baylifes, to be by theire inhabitants well and
stronglie trenched, or otherwise fenced with gates at eache
syde therof, to be shutte nightlye, like as there is [in] many
places in the English Pale, and all the wayes about yt to be
strongly shut uppe, so that none should passe but
thoorough those townes: To some of which yt were good
that the priviledge of a markett were given, the rather to
strengthen and enable them to theire defence, for
nothinge doth sooner cause civillitye in any countrye then
many market townes, by reason that the people repayringe
often thither for theire neds, will daylye se and learne civyll
manners of the better sorte. Besydes, there is nothinge
doth more staye and strengthen the contrye then such
corporate townes, as by profe in many rebellyons have
bene proved, in all which when the countryes have swarved,
the townes have stood stil and faste, and yelded good
releife to the souldiors in all occasyons of service. And lastly
there doth nothinge more enrich any contry or realme then
many townes; for to them will people drawe and bring the
fruicte of theire trades, aswell to make money of them, as to
suply theire nedful uses; and the contrymen will also be
the more industrious in tyllage, and rearinge all
husbandrye comodityes, knowing they shall have redy sale
for them at those townes: and in all those townes should
there convenyent inns be erected for the lodginge and
harboringe of all travellers, whoe are nowe oftentimes
spoyled by lodginge abroade in weake thatch houses, for
wante of such places to shrowde themselves in.
Eudox: But what
profitt shall your markett
townes reape of their markett, whereas each one may sell
theire corne and cattell abroade in the countrye, and make
theire secrett bargaynes amongst themselves, as nowe I
understand they use?
Iren: Inded,
Eudox: they doe so, and thereby no
small incovenyence doth rise to the comonwealth; for nowe
when any one hath stolne a cowe or a garon, he may
secrettly sell yt in the countrye without privytie of any,
wheras yf he brought yt into a market towne yt would
perhaps be knowne, and the theife discovered. Therfore yt
were good that a straight ordinance were made, that none
should buy or sell any cattell but in some open markett
(there beinge nowe markett townes everye where at hand)
upon a greate penaltye neyther should they likewise by any
corne to sell the same againe unlesse yt were to make
malte therof; for by such engrossinge and regratinge we
see the dearth that nowe comonly raigneth here in England
to have bene caused. Hereunto also is to be added that
good ordinance, which I remember was once proclaymed
throughout all Ireland. That all men should marke theire
cattell with an open severall marke upon theire flanckes
or buttocks so as yf they hapned to be stollen, they might
apeare whose they were, and they which should buy them
might therby supecte the owner, and be warned to
abstayne from byinge of them of a suspected person with
such an unknowne marke.
Eudox: Surely
these ordinances seme very
expedient, but specyally that of fre townes, of which I
wonder that there is such small store in Ireland, and that in
the first peoplinge and plantinge therof they were
neglected and omytted.
Iren: They were
not omitted; for there were,
thoroughe all places of the country convenyente, many
good townes seated, which thorough that inundacon of the
Irish, which I first tould of, were utterly wasted and defaced,
of which the ruines are yet in many places to be sene, and
of some no signe at all remayninge, save onely theire bare
names, but theire seates are not to be founde.
Eudox: But how
then cometh yt to passe, that
they have never since recovered, nor their habitacon bene
reedified, as of the rest which have bene noe lesse spoyled
and wasted?
Iren: The cause
therof was for that, after theire
desolacon, they were begged by gentlemen of the Kings
under collours to repaire them and gather the poore
relickes of the people againe together, of whome havinge
obtayned them, there so farre from reedyfying of them, as
that by all meanes they have endeavored to kepe them
waste, least that, beinge repayred, theire charters may be
renewed and the bugesses restored to theire landes, which
they had nowe in theire possessyon; much like as in those
oulde monuments of abbyes, and religious houses, we see them likewise
use to doe: for which cause yt
is judged that King Henry the Eighth bestowed them upon
them, knowinge that thereby they should never be able to
rise againe. And even so do those Lords, in these ould pore
coporate townes, of which I could name diverse but for
kindling of displeasure. Therefore as I wished many
corporate townes to be erected, so would I againe wish
them to be free, not dependinge upon the service, nor
under the comandment of any but the Governor. And
beinge so, they will bothe strengthen all the countrye round
about them, which by theire meanes wilbe the better
replenished and enriched, and also be as contynuall
houldes for her Majesty, yf the people should revolt and
breake out againe; for without such yt is easye to forrey and
over-ronne the whole lande. Let be, for example, all those
freboroughes in the Lowe-countryes, which are nowe all the
strength therof. These and other like ordinances might be
delivered for the good establishment of this realme, afteryt
is once subdued and reformed, in which yt might
afterwardes [be] very easely kepte and maintayned with
small care of the Governor and Councell there apointed, so
as that yt should in short space yeld a plentyfull revenewe
to the crowne of England; which now doth but sucke and
consume the treasurye therof, through those unsound
plattes and chagfull orders which are daylye devised for
her good, yet never effectually prosecuted or performed.
Eudox: But in
all this your discorse I have not
marked any thinge by you spoken touchinge the
appointment of the principall officer, to whome you wish
the charge and performance of all this to be comitted:
onely I observed some foule abuses by you noted in some
of the late Governors, the reformacon wherof you lefte for
this presente tyme.
Iren: I delight
not to lay open the blames of
greate magistrates to the rebuke of the worlde, and
therefore theire reformacon I will not medle with, but leave
unto the wisdome of greater heades to be considered;
onlely this much I will speake generally herof, to satisfye
your desyre, that the Government and cheife majestracye I
wish to continue as yt doth, to weete, that yt be ruled by a
Lord Deputye or Justices, for that it is a very safe kinde of
rule: But therewithall I wish that over him there wereplaced
a Lord Leiftenante, of some of the greatest personages in
England (such an one I could name) upon whom the eye of
all England is fixed, (and our last hopes nowe rest) who
beinge intituled with that dignitye, and being alwayes here
residente, may backe and defend the good cause of the
government against all malignors, which ells will, through
theire cunning workinge under hand, deprave and pull
backe whatsoever things shalbe well begunne or intended
there, as we comonly see by experyence at this daye, to the
utter ruyne and desolacon of the pore Realme, and this
Leiftenancye should be no discoutenauncing of the Lord
Deputye, but rather a strengtheninge and maintayninge of
all his doinges; for now the cheife evill in that government
is, that no Governor is suffred to goe one with any one
course, but upon the least informacon here of this or that,
he is eyther stoped or crossed, and other courses apointed
him from hence which he shall runne, which how
[in]convenient yt is, is at this hower to well felte. And
therfore this should be one principle in the apointment of
the Lord Deputies authoritye, that yt should be more
ample and absolute then it is, and that he should have an
uncontrouled power to doe any thinge that he, with the
advisement of the Councell, shall thinke mete to be don:
for yt is not possible for the Councell here, to directe a
Governor there, who shalbe forced oftentymes to followe
the nessitye of present occaysons, and to take the
soddayne advantage of tyme, which beinge once loste will
not bee recovered; whilst, thorough expectinge directyon from hence,
the delayes wherof are
oftentymes through greater affaires most irksome, the oportunityes
there in the
meane tyme passe awaye, and greate danger often
groweth, which by such timely prevencon might easely be
stopped. And this I remember is worthely observed by
Matchavell in his discorses upon Lyvye, where he
comendeth the manner of the Romans government, in
giving absolute power to all theire Consuls and Governors,
which yf they abused, they should afterwards derly
answere: And the contrary thereof he reprehendeth [in] the
State of Venice, of Florence, and many other pricipalytyes
of Ittlaye, who use to lymytt theire chiefe officers so
straightlye, as that therby they have oftentymes lost such
happy occasyons as they could never come unto againe.
The like wherof, who so hath bene conversante in that
government of Ireland, hath to often sene theire great
hinderance and hurt. Therfore this could I wish to be
redressed, and yet not so, but that in particuler thinges he
should be restrayned, though not in generall government;
as namely in this, that no ofices should be sould by the
Lord Deputy for money, nor no pardons, nor no
protectyons bought for rewarde, nor noe beves taken [for]
captencyes of contryes, nor no shares of bishopricks for
nominatinge theire bishops, nor no forfaytures, nor
dispensacons with penall statuts geven to theire servants or
freindes, nor no sellyng of lycences for exportacon of
prohibited warres, and specyally of corne and fleshe, with
many the like; which nede some manner of restrainte, or
els very greate trust in the honorable disposytion of the
Lord Deputye.
Thus
I have, Eudox: as
briefly as I could, and as my remembrance would serve,
rund through the state of that whole contrye, both to let you
see what it nowe is, and also, what yt may be by good care
and amendment: not that I take upon me to change the
pollicye of so greate a kingdome, or prescribe rules to such
wise men as have the handlinge therof, but onely to shewe
you the evills, which in my small experience I have
observed to be the chiefe hindrance of the reformacon
therof; and by the way of conference to declare my simple
opinyon for redresse therof, and establishinge a good
course for that government; which I do not deliver for a
perfecte plotte of myne owne invensyon to be onely
followed, but as I have learned and understood the same
by the consultacons and actyons of very wise Governors
and Counsellors whome I have sometymes heard treate
therof. So have I thought good to sett downe a
remembraunce of them for myne owne good, and your
satisfactyon, that who list to overloke them, although
perhaps much wiser then they which have thus advised of
that state, yet at leaste, by comparison hereof, may
perhaps better his owne judgment, and by the light of others
foregoinge, he may followe after with more ease, and
hapely finde a fayrer waye thereunto then they which have
gone before.
Eudox: I thanke
you, Irenyus, for thys your gentle paynes; withall not forgettynge nowe
in the shuttyng
uppe to put you in mynd of that which you have formerly
halfe promysed--herafter when we shall meete agayne
upon the like good occasyon, ye will declare unto us those
your observacons which ye have gathered of the
[Antiquities] of Ireland.