Iren: Some
perhapps I have; and whoe that will
by this occasion marke and compare ther customes shall
finde many more. But ther are fewer I thinke, remayning of
the Gaules or Spanyardes then of the Scythians, by reason
that the partes, which they then possessed lying upon the
Coast of the Westerne and Southerne Sea, were sithence
contynually visited with strangers and forreyne people,
repayring thither for trafficke, and for fishing, which is very
plentifull upon the coastes: for the trade and enterdeale of
seacoste nacons one with another worketh more civility and
good fashions, all sea men being naturally desirous of new
fashions, then the Inland dwellers which are seldome
seene of forreyners; yet some of them as I have noted, I will
recounte unto you. And first I will, for the better creditt of
the rest, shewe you one out of ther Statutes, amongst which
it is enacted that noe man shall weare his beard but only on
the upper lyp, like mustachios, shaving all the rest of his
chinne. And this was the auncient manner of the
Spanyardes, as yett it is of all the Mahometans, to cut all
ther beardes close, save onely muschachos, which they
weare longe. And the cause of this use was for that they,
being bred in an hot country, found much hayre on ther
faces and other partes to be noyous unto them: for which
cause they did cutt yt most away, like as contraryly all other
ncaons, brought upp in could countryes doe use to nourish
ther hare, to keep them the warmer, which was the cause
that the Scythians and Scottes woare glibbes, as I shewed
you, to keep ther heades warme, and long beardes to
defend ther faces from could. From them also I thinke
came saffron shirtes and smockes, which was devised by
them in those hotte countryes, wher saffron is very
common and rife, for avoyding that evill which commeth of
much swetnes, and longe wearing of lynnen. Also the
women amongst the ould Spanyardes had the charge of all
hushould affayres, both at home and abroad, as Boemius
wrighteth, though now theise Spanyardes use it quite
otherwise. And soe have the Irish women the trust and care
of all thinges, both at home, and in the feilde. Likewise
rownd lether targettes, as the Spanyarde fashion, who used
it, for the most part, paynted, which in Ireland they use
alsoe, in many places, colored after ther rude fashion.
Moreover ther manner of ther womens ryding on the wrong
syde of the horse, I meane with ther faces toward their right
syde, as the Irish use, is, as they say, ould Spanish, and as
some say Africane, ffor amongst them the women (they
say) use to ride acrosse: Also the deep smock sleve hanging
to the grownd, which the Irish women use, (they say), was
ould Spanish, and is used yet in Barbary: and yett that
should seme rather to be an oulde Irish fashion; for in
Armory the fashion of the Manche, which is geven in armes
by many, being indeed nothing ells but a sleve, is fashioned
much like to that sleve. And that Knightes in ould tymes
used to weare ther mistres favor or loves sleve, upon ther
armes, as appereth by that is wrighten of Sir Launcelott,
that he wore the sleve of the fayre mayd of Asteroth in a
tourney, whereat Quene Guenouer was much displeased.
Eudox: Your
conceit is very good, well fitting for
things soe farre from certayntye of knowledge and
learning, only upon lykelyhoodes and conjectures. But
have you any customes remayning from the Gaules or
Bryttans?
Iren: I have
observed a few of eyther; and whoe
will better search into them may find more. And first the
possession of their Bardes was, as Cæsar writeth,
usuall amongst the Gaules; and the same was also
common amongst the Brittans, and is not yett altogether
left of with the Walshe, which are ther posterity. ffor all the
fashions of the Brittons, as he testifieth, were much like.
The longe dearts came also from the Gaules, as ye may
read in the same Ceasaer, and in John Boemius. Likewise
the said Jo. Boemius wrighteth, that the Gaules used
swordes, a hanfull broad, and soe doe the Irish nowe. Also
that they used long wicker sheilds in battell that should
cover their whole bodyes, and soe doe the Northerne Irish.
But because I have not seen such fashioned targettes in
the Southerne partes, but only amongst those Northerne
people, and Irish Scottes, I doe thinke that they were
brought in rather by the Scythians, then by the Gaules.
Alsoe the Gaules used to drincke ther enymyes blood, and
to paynte themselves therewith: soe alsoe they wright, that
the ould Irish were wonte, and soe have I sene some of the
Irish doe, but not theire enymyes but frendes bloode. As
namely at the execution of a notable traytor at Lymbricke,
called Murrogh Obrien, I saw an ould woman, which was
his foster mother, tooke up his heade, whilst he was
quartered, and sucked up all the blood running thereout,
saying, that the earth was not worthy to drincke it, and
therewith also steeped her face and brest, and tare her
heare, crying and shriking out most terribly.
Eudox: Yee have
very well runne thorough such
customes as the Irish have deryved from the first ould
nacons which inhabited that land, namely, the Scythians,
the Spanyardes, the Gaules, the Brittanes. It nowe
remayneth that you now take in hand the customes of the
ould English which are amonst the Irish: of which I doe not
thinke that yee shall have much to find fault with any,
consideringe that by the Englishe most of the ould badd
Irish Customes were abolished, and more cyvill fashions
brought in their steade.
Iren: You thinke
otherwise, Eudox: then I doe;
for the chiefest abuses which are nowe in that realme, are
growne from the English, that are now much more lawlesse
and lycencious then the very wild Irish: so that as much
care as was then by them had to reforme the Irish, so much
and more must nowe be used to reforme them; soe much
tyme doth alter the manners of men.
Eudox: That
semeth very strange which you say,
that men should soe muche degenerate from their first
natures as to grow wild.
Iren: Soe much
can libertye and ill examples
doe.
Eudox: What
liberty had the English ther, more
then they had here at home? Were not the lawes planted
amonge them at the first, and had they not governors to
curbe and keepe them still in awe and obedience?
Iren: They had,
but it was such for the most part,
as did more then good[,] for they had governors for the
most part of them selves, and commonly out of the two
familiyes of the Gerldines and the Butlers, both
adversaryes and corivales one against the other. Who
though, for the most part, they were but deputyes under
some of the Kinges of Englands sonns, brethren, or other
nere kinsmen, who were the Kinges leiutenantes yet they
swayed soe much as they had all the rule, and the others
but the tytle. Of which Butlers and Geraldines, albeit I must
confesse they were very braue worthy men, as also of other
the peres of that realme, made Lorde Deputyes, and lord
Justices and signories at sundry times, yet thorough
greatnes of their late conquests and seignories they grewe
insolent, and evill bente both that regall authority, and also
ther private powers, one against another, to the utter
subversion of them selves and strenthining of the Irish
againe. This you may reade playnly discovered by a letter
written from the Citizens of Corke out of Ireland, to the
earle of Shressburye then in England, and remayning yet
upon recorde, both in the Tower of London, and alsoe
amongst the Cronicles of Ireland. Wherein it is by them
complained, that the English Lords and Gentlemen, who
then had great possessions in Ireland, began thorough
pride and insolencye, to make private warrs one against
another, and, when the other parte was weake, they would
wage and drawe in the Irish to take ther part, by which
meanes they both greatly encoraged and enabled the Irish,
which till that tyme had bene shut upp within the
mountaynes of Slewlougher, and weakened and disabled
them selves, in soe much that there revenews were
wonderfully impayred, and some of them, which are ther
reckoned to have bene able to have spent xij or xiij
hundred pounds per annum, of owld rent, that I may say
noe more, besides ther comodetyes of Creekes and havens,
were now scarce able to dispend the third part. From which
disorder, and thorough ther huge calamityes which have
come vpon them therby, they are now almost growne to be
almost as lewde as the Irish: I meane of such English as
were planted towardes the West; for the English pale hath
preserved it selfe, thorough nearenes of the state, in
reasonable civilitye, but rest which dwell aboue in Connagh
and Munster, which is the sweetest soyle of Ireland, and
some in Leinster and Ulster, ar degenerate and growen to
be as very Patchcockes as the wild Irishe, yea, some of
them haue quite shaken of ther English names, and put on
Irishe that they might be altogether Irishe.
Eudox: Is it
possible that any should soe farr
growe out of frame that they should in soe short space,
quite forgett ther Country and ther owne names? that is a
most dangerous LETHARGIE, much worse then that of
MESSILA CARVINUS, who, being a most learned man,
thorough sicknes forgot his owne name. But can you
counte us any of this kynde?
Iren: I cannot
but by the reporte of the Irishe
themselves, who report, that the Macmaghons, in the
North, were auncyently English; to witt, descended from
the Fitz Ursulas, which was a noble family in England, and
that the same appered by the significacon of their Irish
names. Lykewise that the Macswinies, now in Ulster, were
aunciently of the Veres of England, but that they
themselves, for hatred of the English, soe disguised ther
names.
Eudox: Could
they ever conceyve any such
devilish dislike of ther owne naturall Country, as that they
would be ashamed of ther name, and bite of the dugge
from which they sucked lyfe?
Iren: I wote
well ther should be none: but prowd
heartes doe oftentymes, like wanton coultes, kicke at ther
mothers, as we reade Alcibiades and Themistocles did,
who, being banished out of Athens, fledd unto the Kinge of
Asia, and ther stirred him upp to warr against ther Country,
in which warrs they them selves wer cheiftaynes. Soe that,
they sayd, did theise Macswynes and Macmahons, or
rather Veres or Fitz Ursulaies, for private despite, turne
themselves against England. For at suche tyme as Robert
Vere, Earl of Oxford, was in the Barons warrs against King
Richard the seconde, thorough the mallice of the Peeres,
banished the realme and proscribed, he with his kynsman
Fitz Ursula fledd into Ireland, wher being prosecuted, and
afterwardes in England put to death, his kinsmen there
remayning behinde in Ireland, rebelled, and conspiring
with the Irishe, did quite cast of ther Englishe names and
alleigaunce; since which tyme they have so remained, and
have euer sithence bene counted meere Irish. The verye
like is also euer soe reported of Macswynes, Mackmahons
and Mackshehaies of Mounster, howe they lykewise were
auncyently English, and ould followers to the Earle of
Desmond, untill the raigne of King Edward the fourth: at
which tyme the Earle of Desmonde that then was, called
Thomas, being thorough false subbornacon, as they say, of
the Queene for some offence, by her against him
conceyved, brought to his death at Tredagh most unjustly,
notwithstanding that he was a very good and sounde
subjecte to the kinge. Therupon all his kinsemen of the
Geraldines, which then was a mighty family in Mounster, in
reveng of that huge wronge, rose into armes against the
kinge, and utterly renownced and forsware all obedience to
the Crowne of England; to whom the sayd Mackswynes,
Mackshehayes, and Mackmahons, ther servantes and
followers, did the like, and have euer sithence so
contynued. And with them, they say, all the people of
Mounster went, and many other of them, which were mere
English, thenceforth ioyned with the Irish against the King,
and termed themselves very Irish, taking on them Irishe
habites and customes, which would never since be cleane
wyped awaye, but the Contagion thereof hath remayned
still amongst ther posterityes. Of which sorte, they say, be
most of the surnames which end in an, as Shinian, Mangan,
&c. the which nowe account them selves naturall Irish.
Other great howses ther bee of the ould Englishe in
Ireland, which thorough lycentious conversinge with the
Irish, or marrying, or fostering with them, or lacke of meete
nurture, or other such unhappy occasions, have degendred
from ther auncyent dignityes, and are nowe growen as Irish
as Ohanlans breach, (as the proverbe ther is,) of which
sorte ther are two most pittifull exsamples above the rest: to
witt the Lord Breningham, who being the most auncyent
Barron in England, is nowe waxen the most salvage Irish,
naming himselfe Irish like Noccorish: and the other the
great Mortimer, who forgetting howe great he was once in
England, or English at all, is now become the most
barbarous of them all, and is now called Macnemarra; and
[not] much better then he is the ould Lord Courrie, who
having lewdly wasted all the land and signoryes that he had
and aliened them unto the Irishe, is himselfe also now
growne quite Irishe.
Eudox: In truth
this which you tell is a most
shamfull hearing, and to be reformed with most sharpe
sensures in soe greate personages, to the terrour of the
meaner: for wher the lords and cheife men wax so
barbarous and bastard like, what shalbe hoped of the
pesantes, and baser people? And hereby sure you have
made a fayre waye unto your selfe to lay open the abuses of
ther vile customes, which yee have now next to declare, the
which, noe doubte, but are very bad and barbarous, being
borowed from the Irish, as there apparell, ther language,
their riding, and many other the lyke.
Iren: Yee cannot
but thinke them sure to be
very brute and uncyvill; for were they at the best that they
weare of ould, when they were brought in, they should in
soe long an alteracon of tyme seeme very strang and
uncouth. For it is to be thought, that the use of all Englande,
was in the raigne of Henry the seconde, when Ireland was
first planted with Englishe, very rude and barberous, soe as
yf the same should be nowe used in England by any, it
would seme worthy of sharpe correction, and of newe lawes
for reformacon; but it is but even the other day since
England grewe cyvill: therfore in countyng the evill
customes of the Englishe ther, I will [not] have regard
whether the beginninge thereof were Englishe or Irish, but
will have respect only to the inconvenyence thereof. And
first I have to find faulte with the abuse of language, that is,
for the speaking of Irishe amongst the English, which as it is
unnaturall that any people should love another language
more then ther owne, soe it is very inconvenient, and the
cause of many other evills.
Eudox: It semeth
strang to me that the English
should take more delight to speake that language more
then ther owne, whereas they should (me thinkes) rather
take scorne to acquiante ther tonges therto: for it hath
alwayes bene the use of the conqueror to dispose the
language of the conquered, and to force him by all meanes
to learne his. So did the Romains alwayes use, insomuch
that ther is almost not a nacon in the world, but is sprinkled
with their language. It were good therfore (me thinkes) to
search out the originall course of this evill; for, the same
beinge dicovered, a redresse thereof wilbe the more easily
provided: for I thinke it were strange, that the English being
soe many, and the Irish soe fewe, as they then were left, the
fewer should drawe the more unto their use.
Iren: I suppose
that the chief cause of bringing
in the Irish language, amongst them, was specially ther
fostering, and marrijng with the Irish, which are twoe most
dangerous infections; for first the child that sucketh the
milke of the nurse, must of necessitie learne his first
speach of her, the which being the first that is enured to his
tongue, is after most plesing unto him, insomuch as though
he afterwardes be taught English, yet the smacke of the
first will alwayes abide with him; and not only of the speach,
but of the manners and condicons. For besydes the yonge
children bee like apes, which affect and Imitate what they
have seene done before them, specially by their nourses
whom they love soe well: moreover they drawe into
themselves, together with their sucke, even the nature and
disposition of ther norses: for the mind followeth much the
temperature of the body; and alsoe the wordes are the
image of the minde, soe as, the[y] proceeding from the
minde, the mynd must be needes affected with the wordes.
Soe that the speach being Irish, the hart must needes be
Irishe; for out of the aboundance of the hart, the tonge
speaketh. The next is the marryinge with the Irish, which
how dangerous a thinge it is in all comonwelths appeareth
to every symplest sence; and thoughe some greate ones
have used such matches with ther vassales, and have of
them neverthelesse raysed worthie yssue, as Telamon did
with Tecmissa, Alexander the great with Roxane, and Julius
Cesar with Cleopatre, yet the example is so perillous, as it is
not to be ventured: for in stead of those fewe good, I could
counte unto them infinite many evell. And indeed how can
such matching but bring forth an evill race, seing that
comonly the child taketh most of his nature of the mother,
besydes speach, mannors, and inclynation, which are for
the most part agreable to the condicons of ther mothers?
for by them they are first framed and fashioned soe as [if]
they receyve any thing from, they will hardly ever after
forgoe. Therfore are theise twoe evill customes of fostering
and maryinge with the Irishe most carefully to be
restrayned; for of them twoe, the third, that is the evill
custome of language which I spake of, cheifly proceedeth.
Eudox: But are
ther not lawes alredye
appointed, for avoyding of this evill?
Iren: Yes, I
thinke there be; but as good never a
whit as never the better. For what doe statutes avayle
without penaltyes, or lawes without charge of execution? for
soe ther is another like lawe enackted against wearing of
Irish apparell, but never the more it is observed by any, or
executed by them that have the charge: for they in ther
private discresions thinke it not fitt to be forced upon the
pore wretches of that Countrye, which are not worth the
price of English apparell, nor expediente to be practysed
against the better sorte, by reason the the Country (say
they) doe yeeld noe better: and were ther better to be had,
yet theise were fitter to be used, as namely, the mantle in
travelling, because ther be noe Innes wher meate or
beding might be had, soe that his mantle serves him then
for a bed: the lether quilted Jacke in jorninge and in
Campinge, for that it is fittest to be under his shirte of
maile, for any occasion of suddayne service, as ther happen
many, and to cover his thine bretch on horsbacke. the great
lynnen rowle which the women weare, to keepe ther heades
warme after cutting their hayre, which they use in any
sicknesse. Besydes ther thicke foulded lynnen shirtes, ther
longe sleved smocke, ther halfe-sleved coates, ther silken
fillottes, and all the rest, they will devise some colour for,
eyther of necessity, or of antiquity, or of comlynesse.
Eudox: But what
couler soever they alledge, me
thinke it is not expedient, that the execution of a lawe once
ordayned should be left to the discression of the officer, but
that without partialitie or regard, yt should be fulfilled
aswell on Englishe as Irishe.
Iren: But they
thincke this pricisenes in
reformacon of apparell not to be soe materiall, or greatly
pertinent.
Eudox: Yes
surely but yt is; for mens apparell is
comonly made accordinge to theire condicons, and theire
condicons are oftentymes goverened by theire garmentes:
for the person that is gowned is by his gowne put in minde
of gravitie, and also restrayned from lightnes by the very
aptnes of his weede. Therefore yt is wrytten by Aristotle,
then when Cyrus had overcome the Lydeans that were a
warlike nacon, [and] devised to bringe them to a more
peacable life, he chaunged theire apparrell and musicke,
and in steade of theire shorte warlike coate, clothed them
in long garmentes like wyves, and in steade of theire
warlike musicke, appointed to them certen lascyvious
layes, and loos gigges, by which in shorte space theire
mindes were [so] mollified and abated, that they forgot
theire former feircenes, and became most tender and
effeminate: whereby it appeareth, that there is not a little in
the garment to the fashioninge of the mynde and
condicons. But bee [all] these, which you have described,
the fashions of the Irishe weedes?
Iren: Noe: all
these which I have rehearsed to
you, bee not Irish garmentes, but Englishe; for the quilted
leather Jacke is oulde Englishe; for yt was the proper weede
of the horseman, as you may reade in Chaucer, where he
describeth Sir Thopas apparrell and armor, when he went
to fighte against the gyant, which shecklaton, is that kinde
of gilden leather with which they use to Imbroder their
Irishe Jackes. And there likewise by all that discripcon yee
may see the very fashion and manner of the Irishe
horseman most lively sett out, in his longe hose, his shoes
of costlie cordwaine, his hacqueton, and his haberjon, with
all the rest thereunto belonginge.
Eudox: I surely
thought that that manner had
bene kindly Irishe, for yt is farre differinge from that we
have nowe; as also all the furniture of his horse, his stronge
brasse bytt, his sliding raynes, his shanke pillyon without
stirruppes, his manner of mountinge, his fashion of
rydinge, his charginge of speare aloft above hande, [and]
the forme of his speare.
Iren: Noe sure;
they bee native Englishe, and
brought in by the Englishe men first into Ireland: nether is
the same yet accounted an uncomelie manner of rydinge;
for I have hearde some greate warryors say, that, in all
these services which they had seene abroade in forraygne
countreyes, they never sawe a more comelie horseman
then the Irish man, nor that cometh on more bravely in the
charge; nether is his manner of mountinge unsemely;
though he lacke stirrops, but more readie then with
styroppes; for in his gettinge up, his horse is still goinge,
whereby he gayneth way. And therefore the styrrop was
called soe in scorne, as yt were a stayre to gett up, beinge
derived out of the oulde Englishe worde sty, which is, to
mounte.
Eudox: It
seemeth then that you finde no faulte
with this manner of rydinge; whie then woulde you have the
gilded jacke layed awaye?
Iren: I would
not have that laied away, but the
abuse thereof to bee put awaye; for beinge used to the
ende that it was framed, that is, to be worne in warre under
a shirte of male, yt is allowable, as also the shirt of mayle,
and all his other furniture: but to be worne daylie att home,
as in Townes and civill places, yt is a rude habitt and most
uncomelie, seeminge like a players painted coote.
Eudox: But yt is
worne, they saye, likewise of
Irishe footmen; howe doe you allowe of that? for I should
thinke yt were unseemelye.
Iren: Noe, not
as yt is used in warre, for yt is
then worne likewise of footmen under their shirts of mayle,
the which footmen they call Galloglasses; the which name
doth discover him to be allso auncyent Englishe, for Gallogla signifies
an Englishe servitor or yeoman.
And he being so armed, in a long shirte of mayle downe to
the calfe of his legge, with a long broade axe in his hande,
was then pedes gravis armaturæ, and was
insteade of the armed footeman that nowe weareth a
Corselett, before the corslett were used, or allmost
invented.
Eudox: Then him
belike you allowe in your
streighte reformacon of oulde customes.
Iren: Both him
and the kearne allso (whome
only I toke to bee the proper Irishe souldyer) cann I allowe,
soe that they use that habite and cutome of theires in the
warres onely, when they are ledd forth to the service of their
Prince, and not usuall[y] at home, and in civill places, and
besides doe laye aside the evill wylde uses which the
galloglasses and kerne doe use in theire evill trade of lief.
Eudox: What be
those?
Iren: Marry,
these be the most loathlie and
barbarous condicons of any people, I thincke, under
heaven; for, from the tyme that they enter into that coorse,
they doe use all the beastlie behavior that may bee to
oppresse all men: they spoile aswell the subjecte as the
enemye; they steale, they are cruell and bloodye, full of
revenge, and delighte in deadly execucon, licensious,
swearers, and blasphemers, comon ravishers of weomen,
and murtherers of children.
Eudox: Those bee
most villanous condicons; I
mervayle then that ever they bee used or imployed, or
allmost suffered to lyve: what good cann there bee then in
them?
Iren: Yet sure
they are very valiaunt, and
hardye, for the most parte greate endurors of colde, labor,
hunger, and all hardnes, very actyve and stronge of hande,
verye swyfte of foote, very vigillant and circumspecte in
their enterprises, very present in perills, very greate
scorners of death.
Eudox: Truelie,
by this that yee saye, yt seemes
the Irishman is a very brave souldier.
Iren: Yea
truelie, eaven in that rude kinde of
service hee beareth himselfe very couragiouslie. But where
he cometh to experience of service abroade, or is putt to a
peece, or a pyke, he maketh as worthie a souldier as any
nacon he meeteth with. But lett us I pray you turne againe
to our discourse of evill customes amongest the Irishe.
Eudox: Me
seemes, all this which you speake of,
concerneth the Customes amongest the Irishe very
materially; for theire uses in warre are of noe smale
importance to be considered, aswell to reforme those which
are evill, as to confirme and contynew those which are
good. But followe you your owne coorse, and shewe what
other theire Customes you have to dislike of.
Iren: There is
amongest the Irishe, a certen
kinde of people called the bardes, which are to them
insteade of Poetts, whose profession is to sett forth the
prayses and disprayese of men in theire Poems or rymes;
the which are had in soe high regarde and estimacon
amongest them, that none dare displease them for feare to
runne into reproach through theire offence, and to be
made infamous in the mouthes of all men. For theire
verses are taken up with a generall applause, and usuallye
sonnge att all feaste meetings, by certen other persons
whose proper function that is, which also receave for this
same, great rewardes, and reputacon besides.
Eudox: Doe you
blame this in them, which I
would otherwise have thought to have ben worthie of good
accompte, and rather to have ben mayntayned and
augmented amongest them, then to have ben disliked? for
I have reade that in all ages Poetts have bene had in
specyall reputacon, and that me seemes not without greate
cause; for besides theire sweete invencons, and most wyttie
layes, they are alwayes used to sett forth the praises of the
good and vertuous, and to beate downe and disgrace the
bad and vicyous. Soe that many brave younge mindes have
oftentymes, through the hearinge the prayses and famous
Eulogies of worthie men songe and reported unto them,
benn stirred up to affecte the like commendacons, and soe
to stryve unto the like desertes. Soe they say that the
Lacedemonians were more enclyned to desire of honor
with the excellent verses of the Poett Tyrteus, then with all
the exhortacons of theire Captaines, or authorities of theire
rulers and Magistrates.
Iren: It is most
true that such Poettes, as in
theire wrytinge doe labor to better the Manners of men,
and through the sweete bayte of theire nombers, to steale
into the younge spirittes a desire of honor and vertue, are
worthy to be had in greate respecte. But these Irish bardes
are for the most parte of another mynde, and soe far from
instructinge younge men in Morrall discipline, that they
themselves doe more deserve to be sharplie decyplined;
for they seldome use to chuse unto themselves the doinges
of good men, for the ornamentes of theire poems, but
whomesoever they finde to bee most lycentious of lief,
most bolde and lawles in his doinges, most daungerous and
desperate in all partes of disobedience and rebellious
disposicon, him they sett up and glorifie in their rymes, him
they prayse to the people, and to younge men make an
example to followe.
Eudox: I
mervayle what kinde of speaches they
cann finde, or what face they cann put on, to prayse such
lewde persons as lyve so lawleslie and licensiouslie upon
stealthes and spoiles, as most of them doe; or howe can
they thincke that any good mynde will applaude the same?
Iren: There is
none soe bad, Eudoxus, but that
shall finde some to fauor his doinges; but such licentious
partes as these, tendinge for the most parte to the hurte of
the English, or mayntenance of theire owne lewd libertye,
they themselves, beinge most desirous therto, doe most
allowe. Besides these evill thinges beinge deckt and
suborned with the gay attyre of goodlie wordes, may easilie
deceave and carry awaye the affeccon of a younge mynde,
that is not well stayed, but desirous by some bolde
adventure to make profe of himselfe; for beinge (as they all
bee) brought up idlelie, without awe of parents, without
precepts of masters, without feare of offence, not beinge
directed, nor imployed in anye coorse of lief, which may
carry them to vertue, will easilie be drawen to followe such
as any shall sett before them: for a younge mynde cannot
but rest; yf he bee not still busied in some goodnes, he will
finde himselfe such busines as shall soone busye all about
him. In which yf he shall finde any to prayse him, and to
geve hym encorragement, as those Bardes and rymers doe
for little rewarde, or a share of a stollen cowe, then waxeth
he moste insolent and halfe mad with the love of himselfe,
and his owne lewde deedes. And as for wordes to sett forth
such lewdenes, yt is not hard for them to geve a goodlie
glose and paynted showe thereunto, borrowed even from
the prayses which are proper unto vertue yt selfe. As of a
most notorius theife and wicked outlawe, which had lyved
all his tyme of spoiles and robberies, one of theire Bardes
in his praise findes, That he was none of those idle
mylkesoppes that was brought up by the fyer side, but that
most of his dayes he spent in armes and valiant
enterprises; that he never did eate his meate before he had
wonne yt with his sworde; that he laye not slugginge all
night in a cabben under his mantle, but used commonly to
kepe others wakinge to defend theire lyves, and did light
his Candle at the flame of their howses to leade him in the
darknes; that the day was his night, and the night his daye;
that he loved not to lye woinge of wenches to yealde to him,
but where he came he toke by force the spoile of other
mens love, and left but lamentacon to theire lovers; that his
musicke was not the harpe, nor layes of love, but the Cryes
of people, and clashinge of armor, and that fynally, he died
not wayled of manye, but [made] many wayle when he died,
that dearlye bought his death. Doe you not thinke,
Eudoxus, that many of these prayses might be applied to
men of best desert? yet are they all yeilded to moste
notable traytors, and amongest some of the Irish not
smallye accompted of. For the same, when yt was first
made and soung vnto a person of high degree, they were
bought as their manner is, for fortie crownes.
Eudox: And well
worth sure. But tell me I pray
you, have they any arte in their composicons? or bee they
any thinge wyttye or well favored, as poems shoulde bee?
Iren: Yea truly;
I haue caused diuers of them to
be translated unto me that I might understande them; and
surelye they savored of sweete witt and good invencon, but
skilled not of the goodly ornamentes of Poetrie: yet were
they sprinckled with some prettye flowers of theire owne
naturall devise, which gave good grace and comlines unto
them, the which yt is greate pittye to see soe good an
ornament abused, to the gracinge of wickednes and vice,
which woulde with good usage serve to bewtifie and adorne
vertue. This evill custome therefore needeth reformacon.
And nowe next after the Irishe Kerne, me seemes the Irish
Horse boyes woulde come well in order, the use of which
though necessarye (as tymes nowe bee) doe enforce, yet in
the reformacon of that Realme they shoulde be cutt of. For
the cause whie they must bee nowe permitted is the wante
of convenient innes for lodginge of travellers on
horsebacke, and of Ostelers to tende theire horses by the
waye. But when thinges shalbe reduced to a better passe,
this needeth specially to be reformed; for out of the frye of
these rakehelly horseboyes, growinge up in knavery and
villany, are theire kerne contynewally supplied and
mayntayned. For hauinge benn once brought up an idle
horseboye, he will never after falle to labor, but is only
made fitt for the halter. And these allso (the which is one
fowle over-sight) are for the most parte bred up amongest
Englishmen, and Souldyers, of whome learninge to shoote
a peece, and beinge made acquainted with all the trades of
the Englishe, they are afterwardes, when they become
kerne, made more fytt to cutt theire throates. Next to this
there is another much like, but much more lewde and
dishonest; and that is, of theire Carrowes, which is a kinde
of people that wander up and downe gentlemens howses,
lyvinge only upon Cardes and dyce, the which, though they
have little or nothinge of theire owne, yet will they playe for
much moneye, which if they wynne, they waste most
lightlie, and yf they loose, they paye as slenderlye, but
make recompence with one stealth or another, whose only
hurte is not, that they themselves are Idle Losselles, but
that through gayminge they drawe others to like lewdnes
and idlenes. And to these maye bee added another sorte of
like loose fellowes, which doe passe up and downe
amongest gentlemen by the name of Jesters, but are in
deede notable Roges, and partakers not only of many
stealthes by settinge forth other mens goodes to bee
stollen, but allso pryvie to many trayterous practizes, and
common Carryers of newes, with desier whereof you
woulde wonder howe muche the Irishe are fedd: for they
use commonly to sende up and downe to knowe news, and
yf any meete another, his second worde is, What newes? In
soe much that hereof is toulde a pretty jest of a
Frenchman, whoe havinge bene sometyme in Ireland,
where he maked theire greate enquirye for newes, and
meetinge afterwardes in Fraunce an Irishman whome he
knewe in Ireland, first saluted him, and afterwardes thus
merelye: Sir, I praye you (quoth he) tell me of curtesie, have
you hearde yet any thinge of the newes that ye so much
enquired for in your Countrye?
Eudox: This
argueth sure in them a greate
desier of innovacon, and therefore these occasions which
norishe the same are to be taken awaye, as namelie, these
Jesters, Carrowes, Mora-shite, and all such straglers, for
whom me seemes the shorte riddance of a Marshall were
meeter then any ordinance or prohibicon to restrayne
them. Therefore, I praye you, leave all this brablement of
such loose Runnagates, and passe to some other
Customes.
Iren: There is a
greate use amonge the Irishe, to
make greate assemblies togeather upon a Rath or hill,
there to parlie (as they saye) about matters and wronges
betwene Towneship and Towneship, or one private person
and another. But well I wott, that knowe, yt hath bene
oftentymes approved, that in these meetinges many
mischiefes have benn both practized and wrought: for to
them doe commonly resorte all the scumme of loose
people, where they may freelie meete and conferre of what
they list, which ells theye could not doe without suspicon or
knowledge of others. Besides, at these parlies I have divers
tymes knowen that many Englishmen, and other good
Irishe subjectes, have benn villanouslie murdered, by
movinge one quarrell or another amongest them. For the
Irishe never come to those Rathes but armed, whether on
horsebacke or on foote, which the English nothinge
suspectinge, are then commonly taken at advantagge like
sheepe in the pynfolde.
Eudox: It may
bee Iren: that abuse maye bee in
these meetings. But these rounde hilles and square
bawnes, which you see soe stronglie trenched and throwen
upp, were (they saye) at first ordayned for the same
purpose, that people mighte assemble themselves thereon;
and therefore auncientlye they were called Folkmotes, that
is, a place for people to meete or talke of any thinge that
concerned any difference betweene parties and
Towneshipes, which seemeth yet to me very requisite.
Iren: You say
very true, Eudox: the first makinge
of these high hilles was at first indeede to very good
purpose for people to meete; but though the tymes when
they were first made, might well serve to good occasions, as
perhappes they did then in England, yet thinges being
since altred, and nowe Ireland much differing from that
stae of England, the goode use that then was of them is
nowe turned to abuse; for those hills wherof you speake,
were (as ye may gather by reading) appointed for two
special uses, and built by two severall nations. The one are
those which you call Folke-motes, the which were builte by
the Saxons, as the woorde bewraieth; for it signifieth in
Saxone a meetinge of folke or people, and those are for the
most parte in forme fower square, well trenched for the
meetinge of that [blank] . The
others that are rounde, were cast up by the Danes, as the
name of them doth betoken; for they are called Daneraths,
that is, hilles of the Danes, the which were by them devised,
not for parlies and Treaties, but appointed as fortes for
them to gather unto in troblesome tyme, when any tumult
arose; for the Danes, beinge but a fewe in comparison of
the Saxons, used this for theire safetie. They made these
smale rounde hilles, soe stronglye fenced, in every quarter
of the hundred, to the ende that yf in the night, or at any
other tyme, any crye or uprore shoulde happen, they might
repayre with all speede unto theire owne forte, which was
appointed for theire quarter, and there remayne sayfe, tyll
they could assemble themselves in greate strengthe: for
they were made so stronge, with one smale entrance, that
whosover came thither first, were he one or twoe, or like
fewe, he or they might rest saife, and defend themselves
against manie, tyll more succor came unto them; and when
they were gathered to a sufficient nomber they marched to
the next fort, and soe forward tyll they mett with the perill,
or knewe the occasion thereof. But besides these twoe
sortes of hilles, there were auncientlie divers others; for
some were raysed, where there had bene a greate battayle,
as a memorye or trophes thereof; others, as monuments of
buryalls of the carcasses of all those that were slaine in any
fyghte, upon whome they did throwe up such rounde
mounts, as memorialls for them, and sometimes did cast
up great heapes of stones, as you may read the like in
many places of the Scripture, and other whiles they did
throw up many round heapes of earth in a circle, like a
garland, or pitch many long stones on ende in compasse,
every one of which they say, betokened some worthie
person of note there slayne and buried; for this was theire
auncyent custome, before Christianitie came in amongest
them that church-yardes were inclosed.
Eudox: Yee have
very well declared the originall
of these mountes and greate stones encompassed, which
some vaynely terme the olde Gyants Tryvetts, and thincke
that these huge stones woulde not ells bee brought into
order or reared up without the strengthe of gyants. And
others as vaynelie thincke that they were never placed
there by mans hand or arte, but only remayned there since
the beginninge, and were afterwards discovered by the
deluge, and layed open by the washinge of the waters, or
other like casullytie. But lett them dreame their owne
imaginacons to please themselves; but yee have satisfied
me much better, both by that I see some confirmacon
thereof in the Holy Wrytt, and allso remember that I have
red in many historyes and Cronicles the lie mounts and
stones oftentimes menconed.
Iren: There bee
many greate authorities, I
assure you, to prove the same; but as for these meetinges
on hilles, whereof wee were much speakinge, yt is verye
inconvenient that any such shoulde be permitted, specially
in a people soe evill mynded as they nowe bee and
diverslie showe themselves.
Eudox: But yt is
very needfull me seemes for
many other purposes, as for the countrye to gather
togeather when there is any imposicon to be laied upon
them, to the which they then all agree att such meetings to
cutt and devide upon themselves, accordinge to theire
holdinges and abilities. Soe as yf att these assemblies there
bee any officers, as Constables, Bayliffes, or such like
amongest them, there cann be noe perill or doubte of such
bad practices.
Iren:
Nevertheles, daungerous are such
assemblies, whether for cesse or ought ells, the Constables
and Officers beinge allso of the Irishe; and yf there happen
there to bee of the English, even to them they may proue
perillous. Therefore for avoydinge of all such evill
occasions, they were best to be abolished.
Eudox: But what
is that which you call cesse? yt
is a word sure unused amongest us here; therefore I pray
you expounde the same.
Iren: Cesse is
none other but that your selfe
called imposicon, but yt is in a kinde unacquainted
perhappes unto you. For there are cesses of sondry sortes;
one the cessinge of souldiors upon the country; for Ireland
being a country of warr as yt is handled, and all wayes full of
souldyors, they which have the goverment, whether they
finde yt the most ease to the Queenes purse, or most ready
meanes at hande for the victualinge of souldiors, or that
necessitie enforceth them thereunto, doe scatter the army
abrode the country, and place them in townes to take their
victualls of them, att such vacant tymes as they lye not in
campe, nor are otherwise imployed in service. Another
kinde of Cesse, is the imposinge of provision for the
Governors house keepinge, which though yt be most
necessary, and be allso, for avoyding of all the evilles
formerly therein used, lately brought to a composicon, yet
yt is not without greate inconveniences, no lesse then here
in England, or rather much more. The like Cesse is allso
charged upon the country sometymes for victuallinge of
the souldyors, when they lie in garrison, at such tymes as
when there is none remayninge in the Queenes store, or
that the same cannot convenientlie bee conveyed to theire
place of garrison. But these twoe are not easie to be
redressed when necessity thereto compelleth; but as the
former, as yt is not necessary, soe yt [is] most hurtfull and
offensyve to the poore Country, and nothinge convenient to
the souldyor himselfe, whoe during his lyinge at Cesse,
useth all kinde of outragious disorder and villanie, both
towards the poore men that victell and lodge them, and
allso to all the rest of the Country round about them,
whome they abuse, spoile, and afflicte by all the meanes
they cann invent: for they will not only content themselves
with such victualls as theire hostes doe provide them, nor
yet as the place will afford, but they will have theire meate
provided for them, and aqua vitæ sent for; yea
and money besides layed at his trencher, which yf he
wante, then about the howse he walketh with the wretched
poore man and the sillye poore wief, whoe are glade to
purchase theire peace with any thinge. By which vyle
manner of abuse, the country people, yea and the very
English which dwell abrode and see, and sometimes feele
these outrages, growe into greate detestacon of the
souldyor, and thereby into hatred of the very goverment,
which draweth upon them such evilles: And therefore this
yee may also joyne with the former evill customes which
yee haue to reprove in Ireland.
Eudox: Trulie
this is one not the least, and
though the persons, of whom yt is used be of better note
then the former rogish sorte which yee reckoned, yet the
faulte [is] no lesse worthye of a Marshall.
Iren: That were
a hard corse, Eudoxus, to redres
every abuse by a Marshall: yt would seeme to you evill
sugery to cutt of every unsounde sicke part of the body,
which, beinge by other due meanes recovered, might
afterwards doe very good service to the body againe, and
haply helpe to save the whole: Therefore I thincke better
that some good salve for redres of this evill be sought forth,
then the least parte suffred to perishe. But hereof wee have
to speake in another place. Nowe we will proceede to the
other like defectes, amonge which there is one generall
inconvenience which rayneth allmost throughout all
Ireland: and that of the Lords of land, and fre-holders, whoe
doe not there use to sett out theire lands to farme, or for
terme of yeres, to their tennants, but only from yere to yere,
and some during pleasure; nether indeede will the Irishe
tennant or husband otherwise take his lande then so longe
as he list himselfe. The reason hereof in the tennant is, for
that the landlords there use most shamefully to racke
theire tenants, layinge upon him coygnie and livery at
pleasure, and exactinge of him besides his covenante, what
he please. So that the poore husbandman either dare not
binde himselfe to him for longer tyme, or that he thinketh
by his contynuall libertie of chainge to keepe his landlorde
the rather in awe from wronginge of him. And the reason
whie the landlord will not longer covenante with him is, for
that he daylie looketh for chainge and alteracon, and
hovereth in expectacon of newe worldes.
Eudox: But what
evill commeth hereby to the
commonwealth? or what reason is yt that any landlord
should not sett, nor any tennante take his land as himselfe
list?
Iren: Marry, the
evilles that commeth hereby
are greate, for by this meanes both the landlord thinketh
that he hath his tennante more at commaund, to followe
him into waht accon soever he will enter, and allso the
tennant, beinge left at his liberty, is fitt for every variable
occasion of chainge that shalbe offered by tyme: and so
much allso the more willinge and ready is hee to runne into
the same, for that he hath no such estate in any his
holdinge, no suche buyldinge upon any farme, no such
costs ymployed in fencing and hubandinge the same, as
might withholde him from any such willfull corse, as his
lords cause, and his owne lewde disposicon may carry him
unto. All which he hath forborne, and spared soe much
expence, for that he had no former estate in his tenement,
but was only a tennante at will or little more, and soe at will
may leave yt. And this inconvenience maye be reason
enough to ground any ordinance for the good of a
Common-wealth, against the private behoofe or will of any
landlord that shall refuse to graunte any such terme or
estate unto his tennante as may tend to the good of the
whole Realme.
Eudox: Indeede
me seemes yt is a greate
willfulnes in any such landlord to refuse to make any longer
farmes to theire tennants, as may, besides the generall
good of the Realme, be also greatly for theire owne profit
and avayle: For what reasonable man will not thinke that
the tenement shalbe made much the better for the lords
behoofe, yf the tennante may by such meanes be drawen
to buylde himselfe some handsome habitacon thereof, to
dytch and enclose his grounde, to manure and husband yt
as good farmers use? For when his tennants terme shalbe
expired, yt will yeilde him, in the renewinge his lease, both
a good fyne, and allso a better rente. And also it wil be for
the good of the tenent likewise, whoe by such buyldinges
and inclosures shall receave many benefitts: first, by the
handsomenes of his howse, he shall take greate comforte
of his lief, more saife dwellinge, and a delight to keepe his
saide howse neate and cleanely, which nowe beinge, as
they commonly are, rather swyne-steades then howses, is
the chiefest cause of his soe beastlie manner of life, and
saluaige condicon, lyinge and lyvinge together with his
beaste in one howse, in one rowme, and in one bed, that is
the cleane strawe, or rather the fowle dounghill. And to all
these other commodities he shall in shorte tyme finde a
greater added, that is his owne wealth and riches
encreased, and wonderfully enlarged, by keepinge his
cattle in enclosures, where they shall allwayes have fresh
pasture, that nowe is all trampled and over runne; warme
cover, that nowe lyeth open to all weather; saife beinge, that
nowe are contynually filched and stollen.
Iren: Yee have
well, Eudoxus, accompted the
commodities of this one good ordinance, amongest which
this that yee have named last is not the leaste: for all
thother beinge most beneficiall both to the Landlord and
the tenantes, this chiefly redoundeth to the good of the
commonwealth, to have the lande thus inclosed, and well
fenced. For yt is both a principall barre and impeachment
unto theves from stealinge of cattle in the night, and allso a
gaule against all rebelles and outlawes, that shall rise up in
any nombers against government; for the theefe thereby
shall have much adooe, first to bringe forth, and afterwards
to dryve [away] his stollen pray but through the common
high wayes, where he shall soone bee descryed and mett
wythall: And the rebell or open enemye, yf any suche shall
happen, either at home, or from abroade, shall easilie be
founde when he commeth forth, and be well encountered
withall by a fewe in soe straight passages and strong
enclosures. This, therefore, when we come to the
reforminge of all these evill customes before menconed, is
needefull to be remembred. But nowe by this tyme me
seemes that I have well runne through the evill uses which
I have observed in Ireland. Nevertheles I will note that
many more there bee, and infinitely many more in the
private abuses of men. But those that are most generall,
and tendinge to the hurte of the common wealth, as they
have come to my remembrance, I have as breifly as I could
rehearsed unto you. And therefore I thincke best that wee
passe to our thirde parte, in which wee noted
inconvenience that is in religion.
Eudox: Surelie
you have very well handled these
rwoe former, and yf you shall as well goe thorough the
thirde likewise, yee shall meritt a very good meede.
Iren: Little
have I to saye of religion, both
because the partes thereof bee not many, yt selfe beinge
but one, and my selfe have not been much conversant in
that callinge, but as lightlye passinge bye I have seene or
hearde: Therefore the faulte which I finde in religion is but
one, but the same universall thoroughout all that countrye;
that is, that they are all Papists by theire profession, but in
the same soe blindlie and brutishlie informed, for the most
parte, as that you would rather thincke them Atheists or
Infidelles, for not one amongest an hundred knoweth any
ground of religion, and any Article of his faythe, but canne
perhappes, say his pater noster, or his Ave Maria, without
any knowledge or understandinge what one worde thereof
meaneth.
Eudox: This is
truly a moste pyttifull hearinge
that so many sowles shulde falle into the Devilles handes at
once and lacke the blessed comfort of the sweete gospell
and Christs deare passyon. Aye me, how commeth yt to
passe, that beinge a people, as they are, tradinge with soe
many nacons and frequented of soe many, yet they have
not tasted any parte of those happie Joyes, nor once bene
lightned with the morning starre of truth, but lye mellinge
in such sperituall darknes hard by hell mouthe, eaver
ready to fall in, yf God happilie helpe not?
Iren: The
generall faulte commeth not of any
late abuse either in the people or their priests, whoe can
teach [noe] better then [they] knowe, nor showe noe more
light than they have seene, but in the first instruccon, and
planting religion in all that Realme, which was I reade in
the tyme of Pope Calestine, whoe, as yt is wrytten, did first
sende over thither Pallidaius, whoe thence decreasinge, he
afterwards sent over St. Patricke, being by nacon a Brytton,
whoe converted the people, beinge then infidelles, from
paganisme, and Christened them: in which Popes tyme
and longe before, yt is certen that religion was generally
corrupted with theire popish trumpery. Therfore what other
could they learne, then suche trashe as was taught them
and drincke of that Cuppe of fornicacon [with] which the
purple harlott had then made all nacons drounken?
Eudox: What, doe
you then blame and find
faulte with soe good an acte in that good Pope, as the
reducinge of such a greate people to Christendome,
bringing soe many sowles to Christe? yf that were ill, what is
good?
Iren: I doe not
blame the Christendome of
them: for to be sealed with the marke of the Lambe, by
what hand soe ever yt bee done rightlie, I hould yt a good
and gracious marke, for the generall profession which
[they] then take upon them at the Crosse and fayth in
Christe. I nothinge doubte but through the powerfull grace
of that mighty Savior [it] will worke salvacon in many of
them. But nevertheless since they drouncke not of the pure
springe of life, but only tasted of such troubled waters as
were brought unto them, the dragges thereof have brought
a greate Contagion in theire sowles, the which daylie
encresinge and beinge still more augmented with theire
owne lewde lyves and filthie conversacon, hath nowe breed
in them this generall disease that cannot but only with very
stronge purgacons, bee clensed and carried awaye.
Eudox: Then for
this defecte you finde no faulte
with the people themselves, nor with the preists which take
the charge of sowles, but with the first ordinance and
institucon thereof.
Iren: Not so,
Eudox: for the sinne or ignorance
of the prieste shall not excuse the people, nor the authoritie
of theire greate pastor, Peters successor, shall not excuse
the prieste, but they all shall dye in their sinnes: for they
have all erred and gone out of the waye together.
Eudox: But yf
this ignorance of the people bee
sucha burthen unto the Pope, is yt not a like blott to them
that nowe holde that place, in that they which nowe are in
the light themselves suffer a people under their care to
wallowe in such deadly darknes? for I doe not see that the
fault is changed but the faultines.
Iren: That which
you blame, Eudoxus, is not I
suppose any fault of will in these godly fathers which have
charge thereof, nor any defecte of zeale for reformacon,
but the inconvenience of the tyme and troublous
occasions, wherewith that wretched Realme hath bene
contynually turmoyled; for instruccon in religion needeth
quiett tymes, and ere wee seeke to settle a sounde
discypline in the cleargie, wee must purchase [peace] unto
the layetie, for yt is yll tyme to preach amongest swords,
and most hard, or rather ympossible, yt is to settle a good
opinion in the myndes of men for matters of religion
dowbtfull, which have dowbtles evill opinion of ourselves;
for ere a newe be brought in, the oulde must be removed.
Eudox: Then
belike yt is meete that some fitter
tyme bee attended, that God sende peace and quietnes
there in Civill matters before yt be attempted in
ecclesiasticall. I would rather have thought that as yt is said,
correccon shoulde begynne at the howse of God, and that
the care of the soule should have benn preferred before
the care of the bodye.
Iren: Most true,
Eudoxus, the care of the sowle
and sowle matters are to be preferred before the care of
the body, in consideracon of the worthines thereof, but not
in the tyme of reformacon; for if you should knowe a wicked
person dangerouslie sicke, havinge nowe both sowle and
body greatly diseased, yet both recoverable, would you not
thincke yt ill advertisement to bringe the preacher before
the phisicon? for yf his body were neglected, yt is like that
his languishinge sowle being disquieted by his diseasefull
body, would utterly refuse and loath all sprituall comfort.
But yf his body were first recured, and brought to good
frame, should there not then bee found best tyme to to
recure his sowle also? Soe yt is in the stae of a Realme:
Therefore as I saide yt is expedient, first to settle such a
coorse of goverment there, as thereby both Civill disorders
and ecclesiasticall abuses may be reformed and amended,
whereto needeth not any such greate distance of tymes, as
yee suppose I requier, but one joynte resolucon for both,
that each might second and confirme the other.
Eudox: That wee
shall see when wee come
thereto: in the meane tyme I consider thus much, as you
have delyvered, touchinge the generall faulte which yee
suppose in religion, to weete, that it is popishe; but doe you
finde no particular abuses therein, in the ministers
thereof?
Iren: Yes
verilie; for what ever disorders yee see
in the Church of England yee may finde there, and many
more: namelie, grosse symonie, greedy covetousnes,
fleshlie incontinece, careles slougth, and generally all
disordered lief in the common clergiemen. And besides all
these, they have theire owne particular enormities; for all
the Irishe preists, which now enjoye the church lyvings
there, are in a manner meere laymen, soe like Laymen
[that they] lyve like laymen, followe all kindes of hubandrye
and other worldly affaires, as the other Irishe laymen doe.
They nether reade scriptures, nor preach to the people, nor
mynister the Sacrament of Communion; but the Baptisme
they doe, for they christen yet after the popish fashion, and
with the popish lattine mynistracon, only they take the
tythes and offeringes, and gather what fruits ells they may
of theire lyvinge; the which they convert as badly. And
some of them they saye pay as due tributts and shares of
theire lyving to their Bishoppes, (Ispeake of those which
are Irish) as they receve them dulye.
Eudox: But is
that suffered amongest them? It
is wonder but that the governors redres such shamefull
abuses.
Iren: Howe can
they, since they knowe them
not? for the Irishe Bishops have theire cleargie in such awe
and subjeccon under them, that they dare not complaine
of them, soe as they may doe to them what they please, for
they knowinge theire owne unworthynes and incapacitie,
and that they are therefore removable att theire bishops
will, yeilde what pleaseth him, and he taketh what he
listeth: yea, and some of them whose dyoceses are in
remote partes, somewhat out of the worldes eye, doe not att
all bestowe the benefices, which are in theire owne
devocon, upon any, but keepe them in theire owne hands,
and sett theire owne servants and horseboyes to take up
the Tythes and fraucts of them, with the which some of
them purchase greate lands, and buylde fayre castells
upon the same. Of which abuse yf any question bee moved,
they have a very seemelie coulor of excuse, that they have
no worthie mynisters to bestowe them upon, but keepe
them soe unbestowed for any such sufficient person as any
shall bringe unto them.
Eudox: But is
there no lawe or ordinance to
meete with this mischeife? nor hath yt never before benne
looked into?
Iren: Yes, it
seemes yt hath; for there is a statute
there enacted in Ireland, which seemes to have benn
grounded upon a good meaninge--That whatsoever
Englisheman beinge of good conversacon and sufficiency,
shalbee brought unto any of those Byshops, and
nominated unto any lyvinge within their dyoces that is
presently voide, that he shall without contradiccon bee
admytted thereunto before any Irishe.
Eudox: This is
surelie a very good lawe, and well
provided for this evill, whereof yee speake: and whie is not
the same observed?
Iren: I thincke
yt is well observed, and that none
of the bishops transgres the same, but yet yt worketh no
reformacon hereof for many respects. First there are no
such sufficient Englishe mynisters sent over as might bee
presented to any bysshop for any lyvinge, but the moste
parte of such Englishe as come over thither of them selves
are either unlearned, or men of some bad note, for the
which they have forsaken England. So as the Bisshop, to
whome they shalbe presented, may justly rejecte them as
incapable and insufficient. Secondly, the Bishhop himselfe
is perhappes an Irishe man, whoe beinge made judge by
that lawe of the sufficiency of the mynister, may at his owne
will, dislike of the Englisheman, as unworthye in his
opinion, and admytt of any other Irishe whome he shall
thincke more fitt for his turne. And yf he shall at the
instance of any Englishman of countennance there, whome
he will not displease, accept of any such Englishe minister
as shalbe tendred unto him, yet he will under hand carry
such a hard hande over him, or by his officers wring him so
sore, that he will soone make him weary of his poor lyvinge.
Lastlye, the benefices themselves are so meane, and of soe
smale proffitt in those Irishe countryes, through the ill
husbandry of the Irishe people which inhabite them, that
they will not yeilde any competent maynetenance for any
honest mynister to lyve upon, scarslie to buy him a gowne.
And were all this redressed, as happely yt might bee, yet
what good should any Englishe mynister doe amongst
them, by preachinge or teachinge which either cannot
understande him, or will not heare him? Or what comfort of
lief shall he have, where his parishioners are soe
insacyable, soe intractable, soe ill-affected to him, as they
usually bee to all the English? or fynally, how dare allmost
any honeste mynisters, that are peacefull civill men,
commit his saifetie to the handes of suche neighbors, as
the boldest captaines dare scarcelye dwell by?
Eudox: Little
good then I see is by that statute
wrought, howe ever well intended; but the reformacon
thereof must growe higher, and be brought from a stronger
ordinance then the commaundement or penaltye of a lawe,
which none dare enforme or complaine of when yt is
broken: but have you any more of these abuses in the
cleargie?
Iren: I coulde
perhappes reckon more, but I
perceave mye speach to growe to longe, and these may
suffice to judge of the generall disorders which raigne
amongst them; as for the particulers, they are too manie to
bee reckoned. For the cleargie there, except some fewe
grave fathers which are in high place about the state, and
some others which are lately planted in theire new
colledge, are generally bad, lycentious, and most
disordered.
Eudox: Yee have
then, as I suppose, gone
through these three first partes which ye purposed unto
your selfe, to wyte, the inconveniences which ye observed
in the lawes, in the customes, and in the religion of that
Land. The which me seemes, you have soe thoroughlie
touched, as that nothinge more remayneth nowe to be
spoken thereof.
Iren: Not so
thoroughlie as ye suppose, that
nothinge more can remayne, but soe generally as I
purpost; that is, to lay open the generall evilles of that
realme, which doe hinder the good reformacon thereof; for
to accounte the particuler faultes of private men, should be
a worke infinite; yet some there bee of that nature, that
though they bee in pryvate men, yet theire evill reacheth to
a generall hurte, as the extorcon of sheriffes, subsheriffes,
and their bayliffes, the corrupcon of victuallers, cessors,
and purveryors, the disorders of shenescalles, captaines,
and their souldyers, and many such like: All which I wil only
name here, that theire reformacon may bee mynded in
place where yt moste concerneth. But there is one very
foule abuse which, by the waye, I may not omitt, and that is
in captaines, whoe notwithstandinge that they are
speciallie imployed to make peace thorough stronge
execucon of warre, yet they doe soe dandle theire doinges,
and dally in their service to them commytted, as yf they
would not have the enemye subdued, or utterly beaten
downe, for feare leaste afterwardes they should neede
imployment, and soe be dischrged of paye: for which cause
some of them that are layed in Garrison doe so handle the
matter, that they will doe noe greate hurte to the enemyes,
yet for colour sake some men they will kill, even halfe with
the consent of the enemy, being persons either of base
regard, or enemies to the enemy, whose heades eftsones
they sende in to the Governor for a commendacon of theire
greate endevors, telling howe waightie a service they have
performed by cuttinge of such and such daingerous
Rebelles.
Eudox: Trulye
this is a pretty mockery, and not
to be permitted by the Governors.
Iren: Yes, but
how cann the Governors knowe
readily what persons those weare, and what the purpose of
theire killinge was? yea, and what will yee saye, if the
captaines doe justifye this theire course by ensample of
some of theire Governors, whoe, under Benedicite, I doe
tell yt to you, doe practise the like sleights in theire
goverments?
Eudox: Is it
possible? Take heed what you saye,
Irenius.
Iren: To you,
you only, Eudoxus, I doe tell yt, and
that even with greate heartes griefe, and inward trouble of
mynde, to see her Majestie soe much abused by some
whome they put in specyall trust of theire affayres: of which
some, beinge marshall men, will not will not doe allwayes
what they may for quietinge of things, but will rather wincke
at some faultes, and suffer them unpunished, leaste they
havinge put all thinges in that assurance of peace that they
might, they shoulde seeme afterwards not to be needed,
nor contynued in theire goverments with soe greate a
charge to her Majestie. And therefore they doe cunningly
carry theire coorse of goverment, and from one hande to
another doe bandy the service like a Tennys-balle, which
they will never strike quite awaye, for feare leaste
afterwards they should want sportes.
Eudox: Doe you
speake of under magistrates,
Irenius, or of principall governors?
Iren: I doe
speake of noe particulars, but the
truth may be founde out by tryall and reasonable insighte
into some of theire doinges. And yf I shoulde saye there is
some blame thereof in some of the principall Governors, I
thincke I might allso shewe some reasonable proffe of my
speach. For by that which I and many have observed, the
like might be gathered. As for ensample, some of them
feinge the ende of theire goverment to drawe nighe, and
some mischeefe or troublous practise growinge up, which
afterwards may worke trouble to the next succeding
governor, will not attempt the redres or cuttinge of thereof,
either for feare they shoulde leave the realme unquiett att
the ende of their goverment, or that the next that commeth
shoulde receave the same to quiett, and soe happely wynne
more prayse thereof then they before. And therefore they
will not as I say, seeke at all to redres that evill, but will
eyther by graunting proteccon for a tyme, or houldinge
some enparlance with the rebell, or by treaty of
commissioners, or other like devises, onely smother and
keepe downe the flame of the mischiefe, soe as yt may not
breake out in theire tyme of goverment: what comes
afterwards they care not, or rather wishe the worst. This
coorse hath bene noted in some governors.
Eudox: Surelie
Irenius this, yf yt were true,
should bee worthye of an heauy judgment: but yt ys
hardlye to be thought, that any governor should soe much
either envye the good of that realme which is putt into his
hande, or defraude her Majestie, whoe trusteth him soe
much, or maligne his successor which shall possesse his
place, as to suffer an evill to growe up, which he might
tymelye have kept under, or perhaps to nourishe yt with
colloured countenance, or suche synister meanes.
Iren: I doe not
certenly avouch, Eudoxus: but
the sequell of thinges doth in a manner prove, and playnely
speake soe much, that the governors usually are envyous
one of anothers greater glorie, which yf they woulde seeke
to excell by better governinge, it shoulde be a most
laudable emulacon. But they doe quite otherwise: for this
(as yee maye marke,) is the common order of them, that
whoe commeth next in place will not followe that coorse of
government, how ever good, which his predecessor helde,
or for desdaine of himselfe, or dowbte to have his doinges
drowned in another mans prayse, but will straighte take a
way quite contrarye to the former: as yf the former thought
by keepinge under the Irishe, to reforme them, the next, by
discontynencinge the Englishe will curry favor with the
Irishe and soe make his government seeme plausible in
viewe, as havinge all the Irishe at his commaund: but he
that comes next after will perhappes follow neither thone
nor thother, but will dandle thone and thother in suche
sorte, as he will sucke sweete out of them both, and leave
bitternes to the poore lande, which yf he that comes after
shall seeke to redres, he shall perhappes finde such crosses
as he shalbe hardly able to beare, or doe any good that
might worke disgrace of his predecessors. Ensmples hereof
yee maye see in the governors of late tymes sufficientlye,
and in others of former tymes more manifestlye, when the
government of that Realme was commytted sometymes to
the Geraldynes, as when the Howse of Yorke helde the
Crowne of England; sometymes to the Butlers, as when the
Howse of Lancaster gott the same. And other whiles, when
an Englishe governor was appointed, he perhappes founde
enemies of both. And this is the wretchednes of that fatall
kingdome which, I thincke, therefore in old tyme was not
called amisse Ranna or Sacra Insula,
takingeSacra for accursed.
Eudox: I am
sorrie to heare soe much as yee
reporte; and nowe I begynne to conceave somewhat more
of the cause of her contynuall wretchednes then heretofore
I founde, and I wishe that this inconvenyence were looked
into: for sure me seemes yt is more waightie then all the
former, and more hardly to be redressed in the governor
then in the governed; as a maladie in a vitall parte is more
incurable then in an externall.
Iren: You saye
very true; but nowe that wee have
thus ended all the abuses and inconveniences of that
goverment, which was our first parte, it followes next to
speake of the seconde part, which was of the meanes to
cure and redres the same, which wee must labor to reduce
to the first begynninge thereof.
Eudox: Right soe
Irenius: for by that which I
have noted in all this your discourse, yee suppose that the
whole ordinance and institucon of that realmes goverment
was, both att first when yt was placed, evill plotted, and allso
since, through other oversighte, rune more out of square,
[to] that disorder which yt is nowe come unto; like as twoe
indirect lynes, the further they are drawen out, the further
they goe asunder.
Iren: I doe see,
Eudoxus and as yee saye, soe
thincke, that the longer that goverment thus contynueth, in
the worse case will that Realme bee; for yt is all in vayne
that they nowe stryve and endeavor by fayre meanes and
peaceable plotts to redres the same without first removinge
all those inconveniences, and newe framinge, as yt were in
the forge, all that is worne out of fashion: for all other
meanes wilbe but lost labor, by patchinge up one hole to
make many; for the Irish doe strongly hate and abhor all
reformacon and subjeccon to the Englishe, by reason that,
havinge bene once subdued by them, they were thrust out
of all theire possessions. Soe as nowe they feare, that yf
they were againe brought under, they shoulde likewise be
expelled out of all, which is the cause that they hate
Englishe goverment, accordine to the sayinge, Quem
metuunt oderunt: therefore the reformacon must nowe be
with the strength of a greater power.
Eudox: But, me
thinckes, that might bee by
makinge of good lawes, and establishinge of newe statuts,
with sharpe penalties and punishments for amendinge of
all that is presently amisse, and not as ye suppose, to
begynne all as yt were anewe, and to alter the whole forme
of the goverment; which how daingerous a thinge it is to
attempte, you your selfe must needs confesse, and they
which have the managinge of the Realmes whole pollycie,
cannot, without greate cause, feare and refrayne: for all
innovacon is perillous, in soe much as though yt be meante
for the better, yet soe many accidents and fearefull events
maye come betweene, as that it may hazard the losse of the
whole.
Iren: Very true,
Eudoxus; all chainge is to be
shunde, where the affayres stand in such state as that they
may contynue in quitnes, or bee assured at all to abide as
they are. But that in the Realme of Ireland wee see muche
otherwise, for every day wee perceave the troubles
growinge more upon us, and one evill growinge upon
another, in soe much as there is noe parte founde nor
assertayned, but all have theire eares upright, waytinge
when the watchworde shall come that they shoulde all rise
generally into rebellyon, and cast awaye the Englishe
sujeccon. To which there nowe little wanteth; for I thincke
the worde be alreadye geven, and there wanteth nothinge
but opportunitie, which trulye is the death of one noble
person, whoe, beinge himselfe most stedfast to his noble
Queene and his Countrye, coastinge upon the Southe Sea,
stoppeth the ingate of all that evill which is looked for, and
holdeth in all those which are at his backe, with the terror of
his greatnes, and thassurance of his most immoveable
loyalltye: And therefore where you thincke, that good and
sounde lawes might amend and reforme thinges amisse
there, you thincke surely amisse. For yt is vayne to
prescribe lawes, where no man careth for keepinge of
them, nor feareth the daunger for breaking of them. But all
the realme is first to be reformed, and lawes afterwards to
be made for keepinge and contynuinge yt in that reformed
estate.
Eudox: Howe then
doe you thincke is the
reformacon thereof to begynne, yf not by the lawes and
ordinances?
Iren: Even by
the sworde; for all those evilles
must first be cutt awaye with a stronge hande, before any
good cann bee planted; like as the corrupt branches and
unwholsome lawes are first to bee pruned, and the fowle
mosse clensed or scraped awaye, before the tree cann
bringe forth any good fruicte.
Eudox: Doe you
blame me, even nowe, for
wyshinge Kerne, Horse-boyes, and Carrowes to be cleane
cutt of, as too violent a meanes, and doe your selfe nowe
prescribe the same medicyne? Is not the sworde the most
violent redres that may be used for any evill?
Iren: It is soe;
but yet where no other remedye
maye be found, nor no hope of recovery had, there must
needes this violent meanes bee used. As for the loose
kinde of people which you woulde have cutt of, I blamed yt,
for that they might otherwise perhappes bee brought to
good, as namely by this way which I sett before you.
Eudox: Is not
your waye all one with the former,
in effecte, which you founde falte with, save onely this ods,
that I saye by the halter, and you saye by the sworde? what
difference is there?
Iren: There is
surely greate, when you shall
understand yt; for by the sworde, which I named, I doe not
meane the cuttinge of of all that nacon with the sworde,
which farr bee yt from me, that ever I should thinke soe
desperatelie, or wishe soe uncharitablie, but by the sworde
I meane the Royall power of the Prince, which ought to
stretch yt selfe forth in ther cheife strengthe to the
redressinge and cutting of of those evilles, which I before
blamed, and not of the people which are evill. For evill
people by good ordynance and goverment may be made
good; but the evill that is of yt selfe evill, will never become
good.
Eudox: I praye
you then declare your minde at
large, howe you woulde wishe that sworde, which you
meane, to bee used to the reformacon of those evilles.
Iren: The first
thinge must bee to sende over
into that realme such a stronge power of men, as that shall
perforce bringe in all that rebellyous rout of loose people,
which either doe nowe stande out in open armes, or in
wanderinge companies doe keepe the woodes, spoilinge
and infestinge the good subjecte.
Eudox: You
speake nowe, Iren., of an infynite
charge to her Majestie, to sende over such an armye as
shoulde treade downe all that standeth before them on
foote, and laye on the grounde all the stiffe-necked people
of that lande; for there is nowe but one Outlawe of any
greate reckoninge, to wytt, the Earle of Tyrone, abroade in
armes, against whome you see what huge charges shee
hath bene att this last yere, in sendinge of men, providinge
of victualls, and makinge heade against him: yet there is
litle or nothinge at all done, but the Queenes treasure
spente, her people wasted, the poore countrye troubled,
and the enemye nevertheles brought into no more
subjeccon then he was, or list outwardlye to showe, which in
effecte is none, but rather a scorne of her power, and
emboldeninge of a proud Rebell, and an encouragement
unto all like lewdelie disposed traytors that shall dare to
lifte up theire heele against theire Soveraigne Lady.
Therefore yt were harde counsell to drawe such an
exceedinge charge upon her, whose event should be soe
uncerten.
Iren: True
indeede, yf the event shoulde bee
uncerten; but the certentie of theffecte hereof shalbe soe
infallable as that noe reason cann gayne say yt, nether shall
the charge of all this armie, which I demaund, bee much
greater then soe much as in this last twoe yeres warres hath
vainlye benn expended. For I dare undertake that it hath
cost the Queene above 200000 poundes allready, and for
the present charge, that shee is nowe att there, amounteth
to the very nere 2000 poundes a monthe whereof cast yee
the counte; yet nothinge is done. The which some, had yt
benn imployed as yt shoulde bee, woulde have effected al
this that I now goe aboute.
Eudox: Howe
meane you to have yt imployed,
but to be spent in the paye of souldyors, and provision of
victuall?
Iren: Right soe,
but yt is nowe not disbursed at
once, as yt might bee, but drawen out into a longe length,
by sendinge over nowe 20000 poundes, and next halfe yere
10000 pounds; soe as the souldyer in the meane tyme, is for
wante of due provision of victuall, and goode payement of
his due, sterved and consumed; that of a 1000, which came
over lustie able men, in halfe a yere there are not lefte 500.
And yet is the Queenes charge never the les, but what is
not paied in present mony is accompted in debte, which
will not be longe unpaied; for the Captaine, halfe of whose
souldyors are deade, and thother quarter never mustered,
nor seene, comes shortlye to demand payment here of his
whole accompte, where, by good meanes of some greate
ones, and privie sharinge with the officers and servants of
other some, he receiveth his debte, much lesse perhapps
then was due, yett much more indeede then he justlye
deserved.
Eudox: I take
this, sure, to be no good
husbandrye; for what must needes be spent, at once, where
is inough, as to have it drawne out into longe delaies, seinge
that thereby both the service is much hindered, and yett
nothinge saved: but yt may be the Queenes treasure is soe
greate a some together, but beinge paide as yt is, now some
and then some, yt is noe great burden unto her, nor any
great ympoverishment to her coffers, seinge by such
delaye of time that it daylie cometh in soe fast as shee
poureth it out.
Iren: Yt may be
as you saide, but for the goeinge
through of soe honorable a course I doubt not but yf the
Queenes coffers be not soe well stored, which wee are not
to looke into, but that the whole realme which now, as
things are used, doe feele a continuall burthen of that
wretched realme hangeinge upon theire backes, would, for
a finall ryddance of that trouble, be once troubled for all;
and put to all theire shouldiers, and helping hands, and
hartes alsoe, to the defrayinge of that charge, most
gladfullie and willinglye; and surely the charge, in effect, is
nothinge to the infinite greate good which shold come
thereby, both to the Queene, and all this realme
genarallye, as when tyme serveth shalbe shewed.
Eudox: How manye
men then would you
require to the finnishing of this which yee take in hand?
and how longe space would you have them intertained?
Iren: Verely,
not above ten thousand footemen,
and a 1000 horse, and all those not above the space of one
year and a halfe; for I would still, as the heate of the service
abateth, abate the nomber in paye, and make other
provision for them, as I will show.
Eudox: Surely,
yt semeth not much that you
require, nor noe long time: but how would you have them
used? would you leade forth your armye against the
enymie, and seeke him where he is to fight?
Iren: No,
Eudox., it would not be, for it is well
knowne that he is a flying enimye, hidynge himself in
woodes and bogges, from whence he will not draw forth, but
into some straight passage or perilous forde where he
knowes the armye most needes passe; there will he lye in
wait, and, if hee finde advantage fitt, will dangerouslye
hazard the troubled souldier. Therefore to seeke him owte
that still flyeth, and follow him that cann hardlye be found,
were vaine and bootlesse; but I would devide my men in
garrison upon his countrye, in such places as I would
thincke might most annoy him.
Eudox: But how
can that bee, Iren., with so few
men? for thenemy, as ye now see, is not all in one countyre,
but some in Ulster, some in Connaug, and others in
Leinster. So as to plainte stronge garrisons in all these
places should neede many moe men then you speake of, or
to plainte all in one, and to leave the rest naked, should be
but to leave them to the spoyle.
Iren: I would
wish the chiefe power of the armye
to bee garrisoned in one countrye that is strongest, and the
other upon the rest that are weakest: As for example, the
Earle of Terrone is now counted the strongest; upon him
would I laye 8000 men in garrison, 1000 upon Pheagh
Mac-Hugh and the Cavanaghes, and 1000 upon some
partes of Connaghe to be at the direction of the Governor.
Eudox: I see now
all your men bestowed, but in
what places would you sett theire garrison that they might
rise out most convenientlye to service? and though
perhaps I am ignorant of the places, yet I will take the
mapp of Ireland before me, and make my eyes in the
mean while my schole-maisters, to guid my
understandinge to judge of your plott.
Iren: These 8000
in Ulster I would devide
likewise into foure parts, so as theire should be 2000
footmen in everye garrison; the which I would thus place.
Upon the Blackwater, in some convenient place, high upon
the ryver as might bee, I would laye one garrison. Another
would I put at Castlelisser or Castlefine thereaboutes, soe
as they should have all the passages upon the river to
Loghfoyle. the third I would place aboute Fermaugh or
Bondroise, soe as they might lye betweene Connaugh and
Ulster, to serve upon both sides, as occasion shalbe offered;
and this therefore would I have stronger then any of the
rest, because yt should be most enforced, and most
ymployed, and that they might put wardes at Ballashanon,
Belike, and all those passages. The rest would I sett aboute
Mannaghan or Belterbert, soe as yt should fronte both
upon thenymie that waye, and alsoe keepe the countye of
Cavan an Meath in awe from passinge of straglers, and out
gaders from those partes, whence they use to come forthe,
and oftentymes worke much mischiefe. And to everye of
theise garisons of 2000. footemen, I would have 200.
horsemen added, for thone without thother can do but litle
service. The foure garrisons, thus beinge placed, I would
have to be victualled aforehand for half a yeare, which you
will saie to be harde, consideringe the corruption and
usuall wast of victualls. But why should they not be aswell
victualed for soe longe tyme, as the shipes are usuallye for
a yeare, and sometymes twoe, seinge it is easier to keepe
them on land then on water? There breade would I have in
flower, so as it might be baked still to serve there want.
There drinke alsoe there brewed within them, from tyme to
tyme, and their beef befor hande barrelled, the which
maye be used as it is needed; for I make noe doubt but of
freshe victuall they will sometimes purvay themselves
amongst theire enymies Creete. Here unto would I alsoe
have them have a store of hose and shooes, with such other
necessaries as maye be needfull for souldiers, soe as they
shall have no occasion to looke for reliefe from abroade, or
occasion such trouble, for their contynuall supplye, as I see
and have often proved in Ireland to be more coumberous
to the Deputy, and more daungerous to them that relief
them, then half the leadinge of an Armye; for the enemy,
knowinge the ordinarye wayes by which theire relief most
be brought them, useth commonlye to draw himselfe into
the straught pasages thitherwarde and oftentymes doth
daungerously distres them: besides, the pay of such force
as should be sent for theire convoye, the charge of the
carryages, the exactions of the countrye shalbe spared. But
onely every halfe yeare the supplye brought by the
Deputye himself, and his power, whoe shall then visite and
overlooke all those garrisons, to see what is needed, to
change what is expedient, and to directe what he shall best
advise. And these fowre garrisons yssuinge forth, at such
convenient tymes as they shall have intelligence or espeiall
upon the enemie will soe drive him from one steade to
another, and tennis him amongst them, that he shall finde
noe where saif to keepe his creet, nor hide himself, but
flyinge from the fyer shall fall into the water, and out of one
daunger into another, that is shorte tyme his Creet, which is
his most susteniance, shalbe waisted with prayeinge, or
killed with drivinges, or starved for want of pasture on the
woodes, and he himselfe brought so low, that he shall have
no arte nor abbilitye to endure his wretchednesse, the
which will surely come to passe in verie short space; for one
winters well followinge of him will soe plucke him on his
knees, that he will never be able to stand up againe.
Eudox: Doe you
then thinke the winter tyme
fittest for the services of Ireland? how falls it then that our
most imployment be in sommer, and the armyes then ledd
commonlye foorth?
Iren: It is
surely misconceyved; for yt is not with
Ireland as with other countryes, where the wars flame most
in sommer, and the helmets glyster brightest in the faire
sonneshine: But in Ireland the winter yeildeth best
services, for then the trees are bare and naked, which use
both to cloath and howse the kerne; the ground is could
and wett, which useth to be his beddinge; the ayre is sharpe
and bitter, which useth to blow through his naked sides and
legges; the kyen are barren and without milke, which useth
to be his onelye foode, neyther yf he kill them will they yeild
hime flesh, nor yf hee keepe them will they give him foode;
besides then being all in calf for the most parte, they will,
through much chasing and driuinge, cast all theire calues,
and loose all their milke, which should relief him the next
sommer after.
Eudox: I doe
well understand your reason; but
by your leave, I have hard yt other wise saide, of some that
weare outlawes, that in sommer they kept themselves
quiet, but in winter would plaie theyre partes, and when the
nights weare longest, then burne and spoyle most, soe that
they might safelye returne before daye.
Iren: I have
likewise harde and likewise sene
proofe thereof trewe: but that was of such outlawes as war
abiddinge in well inhabited countrye, as in Mounster, all
a-bordringe to the English pale, as Pheah Mac Hugh, the
Cavanaghes, the Mores, the Dempses, the Ketinges, the
Kellies, or such like: For for them indeed the night is the
fittest tyme for spoyleing and robbinge, because the
nightes are then, as ye said, longest and darkest, and also
the countryes all aboute are then fulle of corne, and good
provision to be everye where gotten by them; but it is far
otherwise with a stronge peopled enymye, that possesse a
whole countrye, for thother beinge but a few, are indeede
privillye lodged, and kept in out villages and corners nigh
the woodes and mountaynes, by some of theire privie
freinds, to whom they bringe theire spoyles and stealthes,
and of whom they continuallye receive secreete relief; but
the open enymye haveinge all his countrye wasted, what by
him, and what by the soldiers, finddeth them succor in noe
places. Townes there are none of which he may gett spoile,
they are all burnt; Countrye houses and farmers there are
none, they be all fleed; breade he hath none, he plowed not
in sommer; flesh he hath, but if he kill yt in winter, he shall
want milke in sommer, and shortly want life. Therefore yf
they bee well followed but one winter, yee shall have litle
worke to doe with them the next sommer.
Eudox: I doe now
well perceave the dyfference,
and doe verelye thinke that the winter tyme is there fyttest
for service: withall I perceave the manner of youre
handlinge the services, by draweinge sudden draughtes
upon the enimye, when he looketh nott for you, and to
watch advantage upon him, as he doth uppon you. By
which straight keepinge of them in, and not sufferinge
them longe at anye tyme to rest, I must needes thinke that
they most sone be brought low, and dryven to great
extremyties. All which when you have perfourmed, and
brought them to the verye last cast, suppose that eyther
they will offer to come in unto you and submit themselves,
or that some of them will seeke to withdraw themselves,
what is youre advise to doe? will you have them receaved?
Iren: Noe; but
at the beginiynge of these warrs,
and when the garrisons are well planted and fortyfied, I
would wish a proclamacon wear made generally to come to
there knowledge, that what persons soever would within
twentye dayes absolutelye submite themselves, exceptinge
onlelye the verye principall and ringeleaders, should find
grace: I doubt not, but upon the setlinge of these garrisons,
such a terror and nere consideracon of there perilous
estate will be stricken into most that they will covett to draw
awaye from theire leaders. And againe I well knowe that
the rebells themselves (as I saw by proof in the Desmonds
warrs) will turne awaye all theire rascall people, whom they
thinke unserviseable, as ould men, woemen, children, and
hyndes, which they call churles, which would onely wast
theire victualls, and yeilde them no ayde; but theire cattell
they will surely keepe awaye: These therefore though
pollicye would turne then backe againe, that they might the
reyther consume and afflict the other rebells, yett in a
pittifull commisseration, I would wishe them to be received;
the reyther for that this base sort of people doth not for the
most parte rebell of himselfe, have no harte thereunto, but
is of force drawne by the grand rebels into theire action,
and caryed awaye with the violence of the streame, ells he
should bee sure to loose all that he hath, and perhappes his
life alsoe, the which now he caryeth with them, in hope to
enjoy them theire, but he is there by the stronge rebells
themselves turned out of all, so that the constraint hereof
maye in him deserve pardon. Liewise yf anye of there able
men or gentlemen shall offer to come awaie, and to bringe
there creete with them, as some no doubte may steale
them away prevelye, I wishe them alsoe to be receaved, for
the disablinge of thenymye, but withall, that good
assurance maye be taken of theire true behayvor and
absolute submission, and that they then be not suffered to
remaine anye longer in those parts, no nor about the
garison, but sent awaye into the inner parts of the realme,
and dispersed in such sorte as they shall not come
togeather, nor easelye retorne yf they would: For if they
might be suffered to remaine about the garrison, and there
inhabite, as shall offer to till the ground, and yeild a great
parte of the profitt thereof, and of theire cattell, to the
coronell, wherewith they have heretofore tempted manie,
they would (as I have by experience knowen) bee ever after
such a gall and inconvenyence to them, as that theire
profitt should not recompence theire hurte; for they will
privilie releive theire friendes that are forth; they will send
the enemye secrett advertisement of all there purposes
and jorneyes which they meane to make upon them; they
will also not stick to drawe the enimye upon them, yea and
to betraye the forte it self, by discoverye of all defects and
disadvantages yf anye bee, to the cuttinge of all theire
throts. For avoydinge whereof and manye other
inconveniences, I wish that they should be carried farr from
thence into some other parts, soe as I saide, they come and
submitt themselves, upon the first sommons: but
afterwards I would have none received, but lefte to their
fortune and miserable end: my reason is, for that those
which afterwards remaine without, are stoute and obstinate
rebells, such as will never be made dutyfull and obedient,
nor brought to labor or civill conversation, havinge once
tasted the licensious life, and beinge acquainted with
spoyle and outrages, will ever after be readye for the like
occasions, soe as there is no hope of theire amendement of
recoverye, and therefore nedefull to be cutt of.
Eudox: Surelye
of such desperat persons, as will
follow the course of theire owne follye, there is noe
comparison to bee hadd, and for the others yee have
purposed a mercifull meanes, much more then they have
deserved: but what shall be the conclusion of this warr? for
you have prefixed a shorte tyme of theire contenewance.
Iren: The end I
assure mee will be verie shorte,
and much soner then cann bee, in soe great trouble (as yt
semeth) hoped for, although there should none of them fall
by the sword, nor be slaine by the soldier, yett thus beinge
keepte from manurance, and theire cattle from runinge
abroade, by this hard restrainte, they would quicklye
consume themselves, and devoure one an other. The proof
whereof I saw sufficientlye ensampled in those late warrs in
Mounster; for notwithstandinge that the same was a most
ritch and plentyfull countrye, full of corne and cattell, that
you would have thought they could have beene hable to
stand longe, yett eare one yeare and a half they weare
brought to such wretchednes, as that anye stonye herte
would have rewed the same. Out of everye corner of the
woode and glenns they came creepinge forth upon theire
handes, for theire legges could not beare them; they looked
Anatomies [of] death, they spake like ghostes, crying out of
theire graves; they did eate of the carrions, happye wheare
they could find them, yea, and one another soone after, in
soe much as the verye carcasses they spared not to scrape
out of theire graves; and if they found a plott of
water-cresses or shamrockes, theyr they flocked as to a
feast for the time, yett not able long to contynewe
therewithall; that in a shorte space there were none almost
left, and a most populous and plentyfull countrye suddenly
lefte voyde of man or beast: yett sure in all that warr, there
perished not manye by the sworde, but all by the
extreamytie of famyne which they themselves hadd
wrought.
Eudox: It is a
wonder that you tell, and more to
bee wondred how yt should soe shortly come to passe.
Iren: It is most
true, and the reason alsoe very
readye; for ye must conceive that the strength of all that
nation is the Kearne, Gallowglasse, Stocagh, Horsman, and
Horseboy, the which haveing ben never used to have any
thinge of theire owne, and now livinge of others, make no
sparre of anye thinge but havocke and confusion of all they
meete with, whether yt bee theire frindes goods, or there
foes. And if they happen to gett never soe greate spoyles at
anye tyme, the same they spoyle and waste at a tryce, as
naturallye delightinge in spoyle, though it doe themselves
noe good. On thother side, whatsoever they leave unspent,
the soldier, when hee cometh there, he havocketh and
spoyleth likewise, soe that betweene them both nothinge is
very shortlye lefte. And yett this is verye necessarye to be
done, for the sonne finyshinge of the warr; and nott onely
this in this wise, but also all those subjects which border
upon those parts, are wyther to bee removed and drawne
awaye, or likewise to bee spoyled, that the enymie may
finde no succor therebye: for what the soldyer spares the
rebell will surelye spoyle.
Eudox: I doe now
well understand you. But now
when all thinges are brought to this passe, and all filled with
these ruefull spectackles of soe manye wretched carcases
starvinge, goodly countryes wasted, soe huge a desolation
and confusion, as even I that doe but heare yt from you,
and doe picture it in my mynd, doe greatlye pittye and
commiserate it, yf it shall happen, that the state of this
miserie and lamentable image of thinges shall bee toulde,
and felingelye presented to her sacred majestye, beinge by
nature full of mercie and clemencye, who is most
inclynable to such pittyfull complants, and will not indure
to here such tragidyes made of her people and poore
subjects as some about her maie insinuate; then shee
perhapps, for very compassion of such calamityes, will not
onely stopp the streame of such violence, and returne to
her wonted myldnes, but also cone them litle thankes
which have beene the aucthors and counsellers of such
blodye plattformes. Soe I remember that in the late
government of that good lord Graye, where after long
travell and many perillous assaies, he hadd brought
thinges almost to this passe that ye speake of, that yt was
even made ready for reformation, and might have ben
brought to what her majestye would, like complainte was
made against him, that he was a bloodye man, and
regarded not the life of her subjectes noe more then
dogges, but hadd wasted and consumed all, soe as now
shee had nothinge left; but to reigne in theire ashes: her
Majesties eare was sonne lent thereunto, all suddenlye
turned topsye turvie; the noble Lord eftsoones was blamed;
the wretched people pittied; and newe counsells plotted, in
which it was concluded that a generall pardon should be
sent over to all that would accepte of yt: upon which all
former purposes were blancked, the Governor at a baye,
and not onely all that greate and longe charge which shee
hadd before beene at, quite lost and cancelled, but alsoe all
that hope of good which was even at the doore putt backe,
and clean frustrate. All which whether yt be trew, or not,
your selfe cann well tell.
Iren: Too trewe,
Eudox., the more the pittye, for
I may not forgett soe memorable a thinge: neyther cann I
be ignorante of that perillous devise, and of the whole
meanes by which it was compassed, and verye cunninglye
contrived, by soweinge first dyssension betweene him and
an other noble personage, wherein they both at length
found how notablie they had beene abused, and how
therebye, under hand, this universal alteracon of thinges
was brought aboute, but then to late to staie the same; for
in the meane tyme all that was formerly done with longe
labour and great toyle, was (as you saye) in a moment
undone, and that good Lord blotted with the name of a
bloody man, whom, who that well knewe, knewe to be most
gentle, affable, lovinge and temperate; but that the
necessitie of that present state of thinges enforced him to
that violence, and almost changed his verrye naturall
dispostion. But otherwise he was so farre from delighting in
blodd, that oftentymes he suffred not just vengeance to fall
where it was deserved: and even some of those which were
afterwardes his accusers, had tasted to much of his mercye,
and were from the gallowes brought to be his accusers. But
his course indeede was this, that he spared not the heades
and principalls of any mischevous practize or rebellion, but
shewed sharpe judgement on them, cheifly for an example
sake, that all the meaner sort, which also were then
generally infected with that evill, might by terror thereof be
reclaymed, and saved, yf it were [possible]. For in the last
conspiracy of some of the English Pale, thinke you not that
there were many more guyltie then [they] that felt the
punishment? or was there any almost clere from the same?
yet he towched onely a fewe of speciall note; and in the
triall of them also even to prevent the blame of crueltie and
parciall proceadinge as seekinge their blood, which he, in
his great wisedome (as it seemeth) did fore-see would be
objected against him; he, for avoydinge thereof, did use a
singular discretion and regarde. For the Jury that went
upon their triall, he made to be chosen out of their neerest
kinnesmen, and their Judges he made of some their owne
fathers, of others their uncles and dearest freindes, who
when they coulde not but justly condemne them, yet
uttered their judgment in aboundance of teares, and yett
even herein he was accompted bloody and cruell.
Eudox: Indeede
so have I heard it often so
spoken, but I perceyve (as I alwaies verely thought) that it
was most unjustly; for hee was alwaies knowne to be a most
just, sincere, godly, and right noble man, far from suche
stearnenesse, far from suche unrighteousnes. But in that
sharpe execucon of the Spaniards at the forte of Seuawick,
I heard it specially noted, and, if it were trewe as some
reported, surely it was a great towche to him in honor, for
some say that he promised them life; others that at the
least he did put them in hope thereof.
Iren: Both the
one and the other is most untrue;
for this I can assure you, my self beinge as neare them as
any, that hee was so farre from promisinge or putting
[them] in hope, that when first their Secretary, called, as I
remember Segnor Jeffrey, an Italian [being] sent to treate
with the Lord Deputie for grace, was flatly refused; and
afterwardes their Coronell, named Don Sebastian, came
forth to intreate that they might part with their armes like
souldiers, at least with their lyves, accordinge to the
custome of warre and lawe of Nations, it was strongly
denyed him, and tolde him by the Lord Deputie him selfe,
that they coulde not iustly pleade either customme of warr,
of lawe of Nations, for that they were not any lawfull
enemyes; and if they were, willed them to shewe by what
commission they came thither into another Prices
domynions to warre, whether from the Pope or the Kinge of
Spayne, or any other. Then when they saide they had not,
but were onely adventurers that came to seeke fortune
abroade, and serve in warrs amongst the Irishe, who
desired to entertayne them, it was then tolde them, that the
Irishe them selves, as the Earle and John of Desmonde
with the rest, were no lawfull enemyes, but Rebells and
traytors; and therefore they that came to succor them no
better than rogues and runnagates, specially comminge
with no licence, nor commission from their owne Kinge: so
as it shoulde be dishonorable for him in the name of his
Queene to condicon or make any tearmes with suche
rascalls, but left them to their choyce, to yiedle and submitt
themselves, or no. Wherupon the said Coronell did
absolutely yeild him selfe and the fort, with all therein, and
craved onely mercy, which it being thought good not to
shew them, both for daiunger of themselves yf, being
saved, they should afterwardes joyne with the Irishe, and
also for terror of the Irish, who were muche imboldned by
those forreyne succours, and also put in hope of more ere
longe; there was no other way but to make that short ende
of them which was made. Therefore most untruly and
maliciously doe theis evill tongues backbite and sclaunder
the sacred ashes of that most just and honorable
personage, whose leaste vertue, of many most exceleent
which abounded in his heroicke spirit, they were never able
to aspire unto.
Eudox: Truly,
Iren: I am right glad to be thus
satisfied by you in that I have often heard questioned, and
yet was never hable, to choke the mouthe of suche
detractors with the certayne knowledge of their
sclanderous untruthes: neither is the knowledge thereof
impertinent to that which we formerly had in hand, I
meane to the through prosecutinge of that sharpe course
which yee have sett downe for the bringing under of those
rebells of Ulster and Connaght, and preparinge a waye for
their perpetuall reformacon, least happely, by any suche
synister sugestions of creweltie and to muche bloodshed,
all the plott might be overthrowne, and all the cost and
labour therein imployed be utterly lost and cast away.
Iren: Yee say
most true; for after that lordes
callinge away from thence, the two lorde Justices
contynued but a while: of which the one was of mynde, as it
seemed, to have contynued in the footinge of his
predecessor, but that he was curbed and restrayned. But
the other was more myldely disposed, as was meete for his
profession, and willinge to have all the woundes of that
commonwealth healed and recured, but not with the heed
as they shoulde bee. After, when [he] was gone Sir John
Parrott, succeedinge, as it were, into another mans harvest,
founde an open way to what course he list, the which he
bent not to that poynt which the former governors
intended, but rather quite contrary, as it were in scorne of
the former, and in a vayne vaunt of his owne councells, with
that which he was to willfully carried; for he did treade
downe and disgrace all the Englishe, and sett up and
countenance the Irishe all that he coulde, whether
thinkinge thereby to make them more tractable and
buxome to the goverment, wherein he thought muche
amysse, or prively plotting some other purposes of his
owne, as it partly afterwardes appeared. But surely his
manner of goverement coulde not be sounde nor holsome
for that Realme, beinge so contrary to the former. For it was
even as two phesitions shoulde take one sick bodie in
hande at two sundry tymes; of which the former woulde
minister all thinges meete to purge and keepe under the
bodie, the other to pamper and strengthen it sodaynely
agayne, whereof what is to be looked for but a most
daungerous relapse? That which we now see through his
Rule, and the next after him, happened thereunto, beinge
noe more daungerously sick then ever before. Therefore by
all meanes it must be foreseene and assured, that after
once entring into this course of reformacon, there bee
afterwardes no remorse or drawinge back for the sight of
any suche ruefull obiect as must therupon followe, nor for
compassion of their calamities, seeinge that by no other
meanes it is possible to recure them, and that theis are not
of will, but of verie urgent necessitie.