|    The following 
              excerpt is drawn from a peer review that Viola 
              Bernard wrote for Hospital and Community Psychiatry, 
              a professional journal. Even though she was a trained psychoanalyst 
              and the Freudian tradition 
              was an important source for psychopathology 
              studies revealing adoption as a factor in emotional and developmental 
              problems in children, Viola Bernard sharply criticized clinicians 
              and researchers, such as Marshall 
              Schechter, who claimed to show that adoption led directly to 
              increased psychiatric risks. One of the things that is notable about 
              this excerpt is that it was written in 1986, when a virtual consensus 
              in professional and public opinion supported the belief that adoption 
              was a “risk factor” of one kind or another. Psychopathology 
              studies had been vigorously contested during the 1960s. For example, 
              H. David Kirk, author of Shared 
              Fate, protested the methodological flaws of psychopathology 
              research. One of Bernard’s most astute observations here is 
              that modern adoption was a moving target rather than a static institution 
              whose psychiatric implications remained constant. Practices with 
              a direct bearing on children’s mental health had changed dramatically 
              during the postwar era and, in Bernard’s view at least, had 
              generally improved. These included the expansion of adoptability 
              that special needs adoptions 
              represented, changing thinking about “telling,” 
              and the growth of reform movements that criticized confidentiality 
              and sealed records and promoted search 
              and reunion. 
            Comments for the attention of the authors: 
            The paper is described as a literature review of “the incidence” 
              and elsewhere of the “reported incidence” of psychiatric 
              problems among adoptees. But instead of overall incidence, it actually 
              reports on the extent of adoptee over-representation in clinical 
              settings, and their rate of service utilization, as compared with 
              non-adoptees in the same caseload. Rate of inpatient and outpatient 
              over-representation and service utilization cannot be equated with 
              overall incidence of disorder among the total adoptee population. 
              By now, there is general professional agreement that various diagnostic 
              categories of adoptees are over-represented in such settings, as 
              reported in most, though not all, of the articles you discuss. You 
              note such variations, but mainly in terms of their numerical differences. 
              Actually, many other variables seem relevant to these differences, 
              such as the quality and methodologies of the research, and the range 
              of time periods when the studies were done with respect to the changes 
              in adoption practices and in the adoptee population. 
            In a single sentence in the Abstract, you combine the finding from 
              the literature of “increased risk of psychiatric problems 
              in adoptees” with the generalization that this is “because 
              of genetic transmission of disease.” Thus, the first part 
              of the sentence refers to incidence, the stated purpose of the review, 
              while the second part makes the conceptual leap that the incidence 
              revealed by the literature reviewed is caused by genetics. The references 
              cited do not in toto support this causation. . . . 
            Your basic method of assessing “incidence” of adoptee 
              psychiatric disorder is by comparing the numbers of adoptees and 
              non-adoptees with similar symptoms in a given clinical setting, 
              as well as with the rate of such symptoms in the general population. 
              In fairness to you, this is a widely used approach in the literature 
              about the rate of adoptee psychopathology. Nevertheless, not only 
              do some of us not regard the over-representation at clinics as a 
              reliable indicator of the true incidence, but we also challenge 
              the appropriateness of the comparison groups. Non-adopted children 
              comprise the bulk of the child population, so the “non-adopted” 
              as a category is too undifferentiated. Among the non-adopted are 
              groups who lack permanent or adequate parenting for diverse reasons, 
              as do adoptees, and who require substitute care, including institutions, 
              foster care, or catch-as-catch-can informal arrangements. As a more 
              appropriate method, I think, some follow-up studies compare adjustment 
              after adoption, foster care, and post-placement return to biological 
              parents. . . . Thus, the apparent error in comparing 
              rates of maladjusted adoptees in clinical settings with maladjusted 
              non-adoptees in those settings, and psychiatric illness in the general 
              population is that the first category seems too narrow, the second 
              too broad, and the third statistically questionable. . . . 
            The reliability of conclusions from this paper seems diminished 
              by the time span covered by the bibliography, in view of the rapid 
              pace of changes in adoption practices over the past few decades, 
              and still in process—changes that are significant to the extent 
              and nature of adoptee problems. Thus, a major shift in social philosophy 
              has expanded the range of adoptability to what used to be termed 
              “hard-to-place” children. These include children who 
              are older than formerly, of a wider range of ethnicity, and with 
              mental, emotional, and physical handicaps. . . . 
              These [also] include, for example, various adoptive practices: the 
              impact on adjustment of telling and not telling adoptees about their 
              adoption and how to tell them and when; problems of individuation 
              and identity related to needs for direct contact with natural parents 
              (i.e., searching and reunions); recognition of some degree of cerebral 
              damage among some adopted children referable to inadequacies of 
              prenatal and perinatal care; screening and helping adoptive-parent 
              applicants in terms of their own adoption-related psychological 
              problems; inclusion of a broader range of adoptive parents in terms 
              of SES [socio-economic status] through such means as subsidized 
              adoptions, and converting prior foster parents into adoptive parents. 
            So in sum, I reluctantly conclude that this painstaking and interesting 
              review not only does not advance knowledge beyond what is already 
              accepted—the genetic risks of schizophrenia and affective 
              illness, for example, or adoptee over-representation in clinical 
              settings—but also, for the reasons mentioned, can provide 
              a misleading picture of adoption.  |