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The Boke named The Governour: Book III.

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Sir Thomas Elyot

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The Boke named The Governour

Devised by Sir Thomas Elyot, Knight

LONDON: Published by J. M. Dent & Co

And in New York by E. P. Dutton & Co

 

THE TABLE OF THE THIRDE BOKE

I. Of the most excellent vertue named iustyce II. The fyrste parte of Justyce dystrybutyfe III. The thre notable counsailes of Reason, Societie, and knowlege IV. Of Fraude and deceyte, whiche be agayne Justyce V. That Justyce oughte to be betwene ennemyes VI. Of faythe called in latyne Fides. VII. Of promise and couenaunt and of what importaunce othes were in olde tyme VIII. Ot the noble vertue Fortitude, and the two extremityes thereof audacitie and tymerositie IX. In what actis fortitude is X. Of Paynefulnesse a companion of Fortitude XI. Of the faire vertue Pacience, and the true definition thereof XII. Of pacyence in sustaynynge wronges and rebukes XIII. Of repulse or hynderaunce of promotion XIV. Of magnanimitie, whiche maye be named valyaunt courage XV. Of obstinacie, a familiare vice folowynge magnanimitie XVI. Of a parillous vice called ambition XVII. The true signification of abstinence and continence XVIII. Examples of Continence gyuen by noble men XIX. Of constaunce called also stabilitie XX. The trewe sygnificacyon of Temperaunce XXI. Of moderation a spice of Temperaunce XXII. Of Moderation in diete called sobrietie XXIII. Of sapience, and the definition therof XXIV. The trewe signifycation of understandyng XXV. Of experience precedynge our tyme, with a defence of histories XXVI. The experience necessarys for the persone of euery gouernour XXVII. Of detraction and the image therof made by Apelies the noble paintour XXVIII. Of Consultation and Counsayle, and in what forme they ought to be used XXIX. The principall considerations to be in euery consultation XXX. The seconde consideration with the conclusion of this warke

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The Thirde Booke.

I. Of the noble and moste excellent Vertue named Justyce.

HE moste excellent and imcomparable vertue called iustice is so necessary and expedient for the gouernour of a publike weale, that without it none other vertue may be commendable, ne witte or any maner of doctrine profitable. Tulli saith, that at the beginninge whan the multitude of people were oppressed by them that abounded in possessions and substaunce, they espienge some one whiche excelled in vertue and strength, to hym they repayred who ministringe equitie, whan he had defended the poore men from iniurie, finally he retayned to gether and gouerned the greatter persones with the lasse, in an equall and indifferent ordre. Wherfore they called that man a king, whiche is as moche to saye as a ruler. And as Aristotell sayeth, iustice is nat onely a portion or spice of vertue, but it is intierly the same vertue. And therof onely (sayeth Tulli) men be called good men, as who saieth that without iustyce all other qualities and vertues can nat make a man good.

The auncient Ciuilians do saye iustyce is a wille perpetuall and constaunt, whiche gyueth to euery man his right. In that it is named constaunt, it importeth fortitude; in discernynge what is ryght or wronge, prudence is required, and to proporcion the sentence or iugement in an equalitie, it belongeth to temperaunce. All these to gether conglutinate and effectually executed maketh a perfecte definicion of iustyce.

Justice all though it be but one entier vertue, yet is it described in two kyndes or spices. The one is named iustyce distributiue, which is in distribution of honour, money, benefite, or other thinge semblable; the other called commutatiue or by exchaunge, and of Aristotell it is named in Greeke Diorthotice, whiche is in englysshe correctiue. And that parte of iustyce is contayned in intermedlynge, and somtyme is voluntary, somtyme involuntary intermedlynge. Voluntary is bienge and sellynge, loue, suertie, lettynge, and takynge, and all other thynge wherin is mutuall consent at the beginnyng; and therfore is it called voluntary. Intermedlynge involuntary somtyme is priuely done, as stelynge, auoutry, poisonyng, falsehede, disceyte, secrete murdre, false wytnes, and periurye; somtyme it is violent, as batry, open murdre and manslaughter, robry, open reproche and other lyke. Justice distributiue hathe regarde to the persone; justyce commutative hathe no regarde to the persone, but onely considerynge the inequalitie wherby the one thynge excedeth the other, indeuoureth to brynge them bothe to an equalitie. Nowe wyll I retourne agayne to speke firste of justice distributiue, leauinge justice commutatiue to an other volume, whiche I purpose shall succede this warke, god giuynge me tyme and quietnes of mynde to perfourme it.

II. The firste parte of Justice distributive

IT is nat to be doughted but that the firste and princypall parte of iustyce distributiue is, and euer was, to do to god that honour whiche is due to his diuine majestie; whiche honour (as I before said in the firste boke, where I wrate of the motion called honour in daunsinge) consisteth in loue, feare, and reuerence. For sens all men graunte that iustyce is to gyue to euery manne his owne, moche more to rendre one good dede for a nother, mooste of all to loue god, of whome we haue all thinge, and without hym we were nothing, and beinge perysshed we were eftsones recouered, howe ought we (to whome is gyuen the very light of true fayth) to embrace this parte of iustyce more, or at the leste no lesse, than the gentilles; whiche wandring in the darkenes of ignoraunce knewe nat god as he is, but deuidynge his maiestie in to sondry portions imagined Idols of diuers fourmes and names, assigned to them particular autorites, offices and dignities. Nat withstandynge, in the honourynge of those goddes, suche as they were, they supposed all way to be the chiefe parte of iustice.

Romulus (the firste kynge of Romanes) for his fortune and benefites, whiche he ascribed to his goddes, made to the honoure of them great and noble Temples, ordaynynge to them images, sacrifices, and other ceremonyes. And more ouer (whiche is moche to be meruayled at) he also prohibited that any thing shulde be radde or spoken reprocheable or blasphemous to god. And therfore he excluded all fables made of the aduoutryes and other enormityes that the Greekes had fayned their goddes to haue commytted; inducinge his people to speke and also to coniecte nothinge of god but onely that whiche was in nature moste excellent, whiche after was also commaunded by Plato in the firste boke of his publike weale.

Numa Pompilius, whiche was the nexte kinge after Romulus, and therto electe by the Senate, all though he were a straunger borne, and dwellynge with his father in a litle towne of the Sabynes, yet he considerynge from what astate he came to that dignitie, he beine a man of excellent wisedome and lerning thought that he coulde neuer sufficiently honour his goddes for that benefite by whose prouidence he supposed that he had attayned the gouernaunce of so noble a people and citie. He therfore nat onely increased within the citie Temples, alters, ceremonyes, preestes, and sondry religions, but also with a wonderfull wisedome and policie (whiche is to longe to be nowe rehersed) he brought all the people of Rome to suche a deuocion, or (as I mought saye) a supersticion, that where all way before, duryng the tyme that Romulus reigned, whiche was xxxvii yeres, they euer were continually occupied in warres and rauine, they by the space of xliii yeres (so longe reigned Numa) gaue them selfe all as it were to an obseruaunce of religyon, abandonynge warres, and applyenge in suche wise their studie to the honouring of their goddes and increasinge their publike weale, that other people adioyninge wondringe at them, and for their deuocion hauynge the citie in reuerence, as it were a palace of god, all that season neuer attempted any warres agayne them or with any hostilitie inuaded their countray. Many mo princes and noble men of the Romanes coulde I reherce who for the victories had againe their enemyes raysed Temples and made solempne and sumptuouse playas in honour of their goddes, rendringe (as it were) unto them their duetie, and all wayes accountynge it the firste parte of iustyce. And this parte of iustyce towarde god in honouringe him with conuenient ceremonyes is nat to be contemned; example we haue amonge us that be mortall. For if a man beinge made riche, and aduaunced by his lorde or maister, will prouide to receyue him a faire and pleasaunt lodginge, hanged with riche Aresse or tapestrie, and with goodly plate and other thinges necessary most fresshely adourned, but, after that his maister is ones entred, he wyll neuer entertayne or countenaunce him but as a straunger, suppose ye that the beautie and garnisshinge of the house shall onely content him, but that he will thinke that his seruaunt brought hym thither onely for vayne glorie, and as a beholder and wonderer at the riches that he hym selfe gaue hym, whiche the other unthankefully dothe attribute to his owne fortune or policie? Moche rather is that seruaunt to be commended, whiche haueinge a litle rewarde of his maister, will in a small cotage make him hartie chere with moche humble reuerence. Yet wolde I nat be noted that I wolde seme so moche to extolle reuerence by it selfe, that churches and other ornamentes dedicate to god shulde be therfore contemned. For undoughtedly suche thinges be nat onely commendable, but also expedient for the augmentacion and continuinge of reuerence. For be it either after the opinion of Plato, that all this worlde is the temple of god, or that man is the same temple, these materiall churches where unto repaireth the congregation of christen people, in the whiche is the corporall presence of the sonne of god and very god, aught to be lyke to the sayde temple, pure, clene, and well adourned; that is to saye, that as the heuyn visible is mooste pleasauntly garnisshed with planettes and sterres resplendisshinge in the moste pure firmament of asure colour, the erthe furnisshed with trees, herbes, and floures of diuers colours, facions, and sauours, bestis, foules, and fisshes of sondry kyndes, semblably the soule of man of his owne kinde beinge incorruptibill, nete, and clere, the sences and powars wonderfull and pleasaunt, the vertues in it contayned noble and riche, the fourme excellent and royall, as that which was made to the similitude of god. Moreouer the body of man is of all other mortall creatures in proporcion and figure moste perfecte and elegant. What peruerse or frowarde opinion were it to thinke that god, still beinge the same god that he euer was, wolde haue his maiestie nowe contempned, or be in lasse estimation? but rather more honoured for the benefites of his glorious passion, whiche may be well perceyued, who so peruseth the holy historie of the Euangelistes, where he shall finde in ordre that he desired clennesse and honour. Firste in preparation of his commynge, whiche was by the wasshinge and, clensinge of the body of man by baptisme in water, the soule also made clene by penaunce, the election of the moste pure and clene virgine to be his mother, and she also of the lyne of princes moste noble and vertuous. It pleased him moche that Mary humbly kneled at his fete and wasshed them with precious balme and wyped them with her heare. In his glorious transfiguration his visage shone lyke the sonne, and his garmentes were wonderfull white, and more pure (as the Euangeliste saieth) than any warkeman coulde makethem. Also at his commynge to jerusalem towarde his passion, he wolde than be receyued with great routes of people, who layinge their garmentes on the way as he rode, other castynge bowes abrode went before him in fourme of a triumphe. All this honour wolde he haue before his resurrection, whan he was in the fourme of humilitie. Than howe moche honour is due to him nowe that all power is gyuen to hym, as well in heuin as in erthe, and beinge glorifie d of his father, sitteth on his right hande, iugynge all the worlde.

In redynge the bible men shall fynde that the infinite numbre of the sturdye harted jues coulde neuer haue ben gouerned by any wisedome, if they had nat ben bridaled with ceremonyes. The superstition of the gentilles preserued often tymes as well the Greekes as the Romanes from finall distruction. But we wyll laye all those histories a parte and come to our owne experience.

For what purpose was it ordayned that christen kynges (all though they by inheritaunce succeded their progenitours kynges) shulde in an open and stately place before all their subiectes receyue their crowne and other Regalities, but that by reason of the honorable circumstaunces than used shulde be impressed in the hartes of the beholders perpetuall reuerence, whiche (as I before sayde) is fountayne of obedience; or els mought the kynges be enoynted and receyue their charge in a place secrete, with lasse payne to them and also their ministers? Lette it be also considered that we be men and nat aungels, wherfore we knowe nothinge but by outwarde significations. Honour, wherto reuerence pertayneth, is (as I haue said) the rewarde of vertue, whiche honour is but the estimation of people, which estimacion is nat euery where perceyued, but by some exterior signe, and that is either by laudable reporte, or excellencie in vesture, or other thinge semblable. But reporte is nat so commune a token as apparayle. For in olde tyme kynges ware crownes of golde, and knightes onely ware chaynes. Also the moste noble of the Romanes ware sondry garlandes, whereby was perceyued their merite. O creatures moste unkynde and barrayne of iustyce that will denie that thinge to their god and creatour, whiche of very duetie and right is gyuen to hym by good reason afore all princes whiche in a decree incomparable be his subiectes and vassals. By whiche oppinion they seme to despoyle hym of reuerence, which shal cause all obedience to cease, wherof will ensue utter confusion, if good christen princes meued with zeale do nat shortely prouide to extincte utterly all suche opinions.

III. The thre noble counsayles of reason, societie, and knowlege.

VERELY the knowlege of iustyce is nat so difficile or harde to be attayned unto by man as it is communely supposed, if he wolde nat willingly abandone the excellencie of his propre nature, and folisshely applicate him selfe to the nature of creatures unreasonable, in the stede of reason embrasinge sensualitie, and for societie and beneuolence folowinge wilfulnesse and malice, and for knowlege, blynde ignoraunce and forgetfulnesse. Undoughtedly reason, societie called company, and knowlege remayninge, justice is at hande, and as she were called for, ioyneth her selfe to that company, which by her feloship is made inseperable; wherby hapneth (as I mought saye) a vertuous and moste blessed conspiracie. And in thre very shorte preceptes or aduertisementes man is persuaded to receyue and honoure iustyce. Reason bedynge him do the same thinge to an other that thou woldest haue done to the. Societie (without which mannes lyfe is unpleasaunt and full of anguisshe) sayeth, Loue thou thy neighbour as thou doest thy selfe. And that sentence or precept came from heuyn, whan societie was firste ordayned of god, and is of suche autoritie that the onely sonne of god beinge demaunded of a doctor of lawe whiche is the great commaundement in the lawe of god, aunswered, Thou shalte loue thy lorde god with all thy harte, and in all thy soule, and in all thy mynde, that is the firste and great commaundement. The seconde is lyke to the same Thou shalte loue thy neyghbour as thy selfe. In these two commaundementes do depende all the lawe and prophetes. Beholde howe our sauiour Christe ioyneth beneuolence with the loue of god, and nat onely maketh it the seconde precept, but also resembleth it unto the firste?

Knowlege also as a perfeyte instructrice and mastresse, in a more briefe sentence than yet hath ben spoken, declareth by what meane the sayd preceptes of reason and societie may be well understande, and therby iustice finally executed, The words be these in latine, Nosce te ipsum, whiche is in englysshe, know thy selfe. This sentence is of olde writars supposed for to be firsts spoken by Chilo or some other of the seuen auncient Greekes called in latin Sapientes, in englysshe sages or wise men. Other do accomodate it to Apollo, whom the paynimes honoured for god of wisedome. But to saye the trouthe, were it Apollo that spake it, or Chilo, or any other, suerly it proceded of god, as an excellent and wonderfull sentence. By this counsaile man is induced to understande the other two preceptes, and also wherby is accomplisshed nat onely the seconde parte, but also all the residue of Justyce, whiche I before haue rehersed. For a man knowinge him selfe shall knowe that which is his owne and pertayneth to him selfe. But what is more his owne than his soule? Or what thynge more appertayneth to hym thanne his body? His soule is undoughtedly and frely his owne. And none other persone may by any meane possede it or clayme it. His body so pertayneth unto him, that none other without his consent may vendicate therein any propretie. Of what valour or price his soule is, the similitude where unto it was made, the immortalitie and lyfe euerlastynge, and the powars and qualities therof, abundauntly do declare. And of that same mater and substaunce that his soule is of, be all other soules that nowe are, and haue ben, and euer shall be, without singularitie or preeminence of nature. In semblable astate is his body, and of no better claye (as I mought frankely saye) is a gentilman made than a carter, and of libertie of wille as moche is gyuen of god to the poore herdeman, as to the great and mighty emperour. Than in knowinge the condicion of his soule and body, he knoweth him selfe, and consequently in the same thinge he knoweth euery other man.

If thou be a gouernour, or haste ouer other souerayntie, knowe thy selfe, that is to saye, knowe that thou arte verely a man compacte of soule and body, and in that all other men be equall unto the. Also that euery man taketh with the equall benefite of the spirite of life, nor thou haste any more of the dewe of heuyn, or the brightnes of the sonne, than any other persone.

Thy dignitie or autorite, wherin thou onely differest from other, is (as it were) but a weighty or heuy cloke, fresshely gliteringe in the eyen of them that be poreblynde, where unto the it is paynefull, if thou weare hym in his right facion, and as it shal best become the. And from the it may be shortely taken of him that dyd put it on the, if thou use it negligently, or that thou weare it nat commely, and as it appertaineth. Therfore whiles thou wearest it, knowe thy selfe, knowe that the name of a soueraigne or ruler without actual gouernance is but a shadowe, that gouernaunce standeth nat by wordes onely, but principally by acte and example; that by example of gouernours men do rise or falle in vertue or vice. And, as it is said of Aristotell, rulers more greuously do sinne by example than by their acte. And the more they haue under their gouernaunce, the greatter accounte haue they to rendre, that in their owne preceptes and ordenaunces they be nat founde negligent. Wherfore there is a noble aduertisement of the emperour Alexander, for his grauitie called Seuerus. On a tyme one of his noble men exhorted hym to do a thinge contrary to a lawe or edicte, whiche he hym selfe had inacted; but he firmely denyed it. The other still persistynge sayde, that the emperour was nat bounden to obserue his owne lawes. Where unto the sayde emperour displeasauntly answering, said in this maner, God forbede that ever I shulde deuise any lawes wherby my people shulde be compelled to do any thynge whiche I my selfe can nat tollerate. Wherfore ye that haue any gouernaunce, by this moste noble princis example knowe the boundes of your autorite, knowe also your office and duetie, beinge your selfes men mortall amonge men, and instructours and leaders of men. And that as obedience is due unto you, so is your studie, your labour, your industrie with vertuous example due to them that be subiecte to your autoritie. Ye shall knowe all way your selfe, if for affection or motion ye do speke or do nothing unworthy the immortalitie and moste precious nature of your soule, and remembringe that your body be subiecte to corruption, as all other be, and life tyme uncertayne. If ye forgette nat this commune_astate, and do also remembre that in nothinge but onely in vertue ye are better than an other inferior persone, accordynge to the sayeng of Agesilaus kyng of Lacedemones, who hering the great king of Persia praised, asked howe moche that great king was more than he in iustice. And Socrates beinge demaunded if the kynge of Persia semed to him happy, I can nat tell (said he) of what estimation he is in vertue and lerning. Consider also that auctorite, beinge well and diligently used, is but a token of superioritie, but in very dede it is a burden and losse of libertie. And what gouernour in this wise knoweth him selfe he shall also by the same rule knowe all other men, and shall nedes loue them for whome he taketh labours and forsaketh libertie.

In semblable maner the inferior persone or subiecte aught to consider, that all be it (as I haue spoken) he in the substaunce of soule and body be equall with his superior, yet for als moche as the powars and qualities, of the soule and body, with the disposition of reason, be nat in euery man equall, therfore god ordayned a diuersitie or preeminence in degrees to be amonge men for the necessary derection and preseruation of them in conformitie of lyuinge. Whereof nature mimstreth to us examples abundauntly, as in bees, (wherof I haue before spoken in the firste boke) cranes, redde dere, wolfes, and diuers other foules and bestis, whiche herdeth or flocketh, (to longe here to be rehersed), amonge whom is a gouernour or leader, towarde whome all the other haue a vigilant eye, awaytinge his signes or tokens, and according therto preparinge them selfe moste diligently. If we thinke that this naturall instinction of creatures unreasonable is necessary and also commendable, howe farre out of reason shall we iudge them to be that wolde exterminate all superioritie, extincte all gouernaunce and lawes, and under the colours of holy scripture, whiche they do violently wraste to their purpose, do endeuour them selfes to bryng the life of man in to a confusion ineuitable, and to be in moche wars astate than the afore named beestes? Sens without gouernaunce and lawes the persones moste stronge in body shulde by violence constraigne them that be of lasse strength and weaker to labour as bondemen or slaues for their sustinaunce and other necessaries, the stronge men beinge without labour or care. Than were all our equalitie dasshed, and finally as bestes sauage the one shall desire to slee a nother. I omitte continuall manslaughters, rauisshementes, aduoutries and enormities horrible to reherce, whiche (gouernaunce lackynge) muste nedes of necessitie ensue, except these euangelicall persones coulde perswade god or compelle him to chaunge men in to aungels, makinge them all of one disposition and confirminge them all in one fourme of charitie. And as concerninge all men in a generaltie, this sentence, knowe thy selfe, whiche of all other is moste compendious, beinge made but of thre wordes, euery worde beinge but one sillable, induceth men sufficiently to the knowlege of iustyce.

IV. Of fraude and disceyte, whiche be agayne Justyce.

TULLI saieth that the fundation of perpetuall praise and renoume is iustyce, without the whiche no thynge may be commendable. Whiche sentence is verified by experience. For be a man neuer so valiaunt, so wise, so liberall or plentuous, so familiare or curtaise, if he be sene to exercise iniustyce or wronge it is often remembred. But the other vertues be seldome rekened without an exception, whiche is in this maner. As in praysinge a manne for some good qualitie, where he lacketh iustyce, men will communely saye, he is an honorable man, a bounteous man, a wise man, a valiaunt man, sauynge that he is an oppressour, an extorcioner, or is deceytefull or of his promyse unsure. But if he be iuste with the other vertues, than is it sayde he is good and worshipfull, or he is a good man and an honorable, good and gentill, or good and hardy, so that iustyce onely bereth the name of good, and lyke a capitayne or leader precedeth all vertues in euery commendation. But where as the said Tulli saieth, that iniurie, which is contrary to iustice, is done by two meanes, that is to say, either by violence or by fraude, fraude semeth to be proprely of the foxe, violence or force of the lyon, the one and the other be farre from the nature of man, but fraude is worthy moste to be hated. That maner of iniurie, whiche is done with fraude and disceyte, is at this present tyme so communely practised, that if it be but a litle, it is called policie, and if it be moche and with a visage of grauitie, it is than named and accounted for wisedome. And of those wise men speketh Tulli, saieng of al iniustice none is more capitall than of those persones that, whan they disceyue a man moste, they do it as they wolde seme to be good men. And Plato sayeth that it is extreme iniustice he to seme rightwise which in dede is uniuste. Of those two maner of fraudes wil I seuerally speke. But firste will I declare the mooste mischeuous importaunce of this kynde of iniurie in a generalte. Like as the phisicions calle those diseases moste perilous againe whome is founden no preseruatiue and ones entred be seldome or neuer recouered. Semblably those injuries be most, to be feared agayne the whiche can be made no resistence, and beinge taken, with great difficuitie or neuer they can be redressed. Iniurie apparaunt and with powar inforced eyther may be with lyke powar resisted, or with wisedome eschued, or with entreatie refrained. But where it is by craftie engynne imagined, subtilly prepared, couertly dissembled, and disceytefully practysed, suerly no man may by strength withstande it, or by wisedome eskape it, or by any other maner or meane resiste or avoyde it. Wherfore of all injuries that which is done by fraude is moste horrible and detestable, nat in the opinion of man, onely, but also in the sight and iugement of god. For unto hym nothing may be acceptable wherin lacketh verite, called communely trouth, he him selfe being all verite, and all thinge contayninge untruthe is to him contrarious and aduerse. And the deuill is called a lyer, and the father of leasinges. Wherfore all thinge, which in visage or apparaunce pretendeth to be any other than verely it is, may be named a leasinge; the execution wherof is fraude, which is in effects but untrouthe, enemie to trouthe, and consequently enemye to god. For fraude is (as experience teacheth us) an euill disceyte, craftely imagined and deuised, whiche, under a colour of trouthe and simplicitie, indomageth him that nothing mistrusteth. And because it is euill it can by no meanes be lefull wherfore it is repugnaunt unto iustice.

The Neapolitanes and Nolanes (people in Italye) contended to gether for the limities and boundes of their landes and feldes. And for the discussinge of that controuersie either of them sent their ambassadours to the senate and people of Rome (in whome at that tyme was thought to be the moste excellent knowlege and execution of iustice), desiringe of them an indifferent Arbitour and suche as was substanciallye lerned in the lawes Ciuile, to determine the variaunce that was betwene the two cities compromittinge them selfes in the name of all their contray to abyde and perfourme all suche sentence and awarde as shulde be by hym giuen. The senate appointed for that purpose one named Quintus Fabius Labeo, whome they accounted to be a man of great wisedome and lerninge. Fabius after that he was come to the place whiche was in controuersie, he separatinge the one people from the other, communed with them bothe a parte, exhortinge the one and the other that they wolde nat do or desire any thinge with a couetise mynde, but in tredinge out of their boundes rather go shorte thereof than ouer. They doynge accordinge to his exhortacion there was lefte betwene bothe companyes a great quantitie of grounde, whiche at this day we calle batable. That perceyuinge Fabius, he assigned to euery of them the boundes that they them selfes had appointed. And all that lande, whiche was lefte in the middes, he adiuged it to the senate and people of Rome. That maner of dealinge (saieth Tulli) is to disceiue and nat to gyue iugement. And verely euery good man will thinke that this lacke of iustice in Fabius, beinge a noble man and well lerned, was a great reproche to his honour.

It was a notable rebuke unto the Israhelites that whan they besieged the Gabaonites (a people of Chanani) they in conclusion receyued them in to a perpetuall leage. But after that the Gabaonites had yelded them, the Jewes perceyuinge that they were restrayned by their othe to slee them or cruelly entreate them, they made of the Gabaonites, beinge their confederates, their skullions and drudges; wherwith all mighty god was no thinge contented. For the leage or truce wherein frendship and libertie was intended (whiche caused the Gabaonites to be yolden) was nat duely obserued, whiche was clerely agayne iustice.

Trewely in euery couenaunt, bargayne, or promise aught to be a simplicitie, that is to saye, one playne understandinge or meaning betwene the parties. And that simplicitie is properly iustice. And where any man of a couaytous or malicious minde will digresse purposely from that simplicitie, takinge aduauntage of a sentence or worde, whiche mought be ambiguous or doubtefull or in some thinge either superfluous or lackinge in the bargaine or promise, where he certainly knoweth the trouthe to be otherwise, this in myne opinion is damnable fraude, beinge as playne agayne justice as if it were enforced by violence. Finally all disceyte and dissimulation, in the opinion of them whiche exactely honoure iustyce, is nerre to dispraise than commendation, all though that therof mought ensue some thinge that were good. For in vertue may be nothing fucate or counterfayte. But therein is onely the image of veritie, called simplicitie. Wherefore Tulli beinge of the opinion of Antipater the Philosopher saieth, To councell any thynge whiche thou knowest, to the intent that for thyne owne profite thou woldest that another who shall take any damage or benefite therby shulde nat knowe it, is nat the acte of a persone playne or simple, or of a man honest, iuste, or good; but rather of a persone crafty, ungentill, subtille, deceytefull, malicious, and witie. And after he saieth, That reason requireth that nothing be done by treason, nothing by dissimulation, nothing by disceite. Which he excellently (as he dothe all thinge) afterwarde in a briefe conclusion proueth, sayenge, Nature is the fountayne wherof the lawe springeth, and it is accordinge to nature no man to do that wherby he shulde take (as it were) a praye of a nother mannes ignoraunce. Of this matter Tulli writeth many propre examples and quicke solutions.

But nowe here I make an ende to wrytte any more at this tyme of fraude, whiche by no meanes may be ioyned to the vertue named iustyce.

V. That iustyce aught to be betwene enemyes.

SUCHE is the excellencie of this vertue iustice, that the practise therof hathe nat onely optayned digne commendation of such persones as hetwene whome hathe ben mortall hostilitie, but also it hath extincte often tymes the same hostilitie. And fierce hartes of mutuall enemyes hathe ben therby rather subdued than by armure or strength of people. As it shall appere by examples ensuynge.

Whan the valyaunt kynge Pyrrus warred moste asprely againe the Romanes, one Timochares, whose sonne was yoman for the mouthe with the kynge, promysed to Fabricius, thanne beinge consull, to sle kynge Pyrrus, whiche thinge beinge to the senate reported, they by their ambassade warned the kynge to be ware of suche maner of trayson, sayenge that the Romanes maintayned their warres with armes and nat with poyson. And yet nat withstandynge they discouered nat the name of Timochares, so that they embraced equitie as well in that they slewe nat their enemye by treason, as also that they betraied nat him whiche purposed them kyndnes. In so moche was iustice of olde tyme estemed, that without it none acte was alowed were it neuer so noble or profitable.

What tyme that Xerxes, kynge of Persia, with his army, was expulsed out of Greece, all the nauye of Lacedemonia laye at rode in an hauen called Gytheum, within the dominion of the Atheniensis. Themistocles, one of the princes of Athenes, a moche noble capitayne, said unto the people that he had aduised him selfe of an excellent counsayle, where unto if fortune inclyned, nothinge mought more augment the powar of the Atheniensis, but that it aught nat to be diuulgate or publisshed: he therfore desired to haue one appointed unto him, unto whome he mought secretely discouer the enterprise. Where upon there was assigned unto him one Aristides, who for his vertue was surnamed rightwise. Themistocles declared to him that his purpose was to put fire in the nauie of the Lacedemones, whiche laye at Gytheum, to the intent that it beinge brenned, the dominion and hole powar ouer the see shulde be onely in the Atheniensis. This deuise herde and perceyued, Aristides commynge before the people sayde that the counsayle of Themistocles was very profitable, but the enterprise was dishonest and agayne iustice. The people heringe that the acte was nat honest or iuste, all cryed with one voyce, nor yet expedient. And forthwith they commaunded Themistocles to cesse his enterprise. Wherby this noble people declared that in euery acte speciall regarde and, aboue all thinge, consideration aught to be had of iustyce and honestie.

VI. Of faythe or fidelitie, called in latyne FIDES whiche is the fundation of iustyce.

THAT whiche in latyne is called Fides, is a parte of iustice and may diuersely be interpreted, and yet finally it tendeth to one purpose in effects. Some tyme it may be called faythe, some tyme credence, other whyles truste. Also in a frenche terme it is named loyaltie. And to the imitation of latyne it is often called fidelitie. All whiche wordes, if they be intierly and (as I mought saye) exactely understanden, shall appere to a studious reder to signifie one vertue or qualitie, all thoughe they seme to have some diuersitie. As beleuynge the preceptes and promyse of god it is called faythe. In contractes betwene man and man it is communely called credence. Betwene persones of equall astate or condition it is named truste. Fro the subiecte or seruaunt to his souerayne or maister it is proprely named fidelitie and in a frenche terme loyaltie.

Wherefore to hym that shall eyther speke or wryte, the place is diligently to be obserued where the propre signification of the worde may be beste expressed.

Consyderynge (as Plato sayethe) that the name of euery thynge is none other but the vertue or effecte of the same thinge conceyued firste in the mynde, and than by the voyce expressed and finally in letters signified.

But nowe to speke in what estimacion this vertue was of olde tyme amonge gentiles, whiche nowe (alas, to the lamentable reproche and perpetuall infamie of this present tyme), is so neglected throughout christendome that neither regarde of religion or honour, solemne othes, or terrible cursis can cause hit to be obserued. And that I am moche ashamed to write, but that I muste nedes nowe remembre it. Neyther seales of armes, signe manuels, subscription, nor other specialties, ye, uneth a multitude of wytnesses, be nowe sufficient to the obseruynge of promises. O what publike weale shulde we hope to haue there, where lacketh fidelitie, whiche as Tulli saieth is the fundation of iustyce? What meruayle is it though there be in all places contention infinite, and that good lawes be tourned in to Sophemes and insolubles, sens euery where fidelitie is constrayned to come in triall, and credence (as I mought saye) is becomen a vagabunde?

To Josue, which succeded Moyses in the gouernaunce and leadinge of the Jewes, almighty god gaue in commaundement to sle as many as he shulde happen to take of the people called Cananees. There hapned to be nyghe to Jerusalem a contraye called Gabaon, and in dede the people therof were Cananees, who, herynge of the precept gyuen to Josue, as men (as it semed) of great wisedome, they sent an ambassade to Josue which approched their contray, sayenge that they were ferre distaunt from the Cananees, and desired to be in perpetuall leage with him and his people: and to dissemble the length of their iournay, as their contray had been ferre thens, they had on them olde worne garmentes and torne shone. Josue supposinge all to be true that they spake, concluded peace with them and confirmed the leage. And with a solemne othe ratified bothe the one and the other. Afterwarde it was discouered that they were Cananees, whiche if Josue had knowen before the leage made, he had nat spared any of them. But whan he reuolued in his mynde the solemne othe that he had made, and the honour which consisted in his promyse, he presumed that faythe beinge obserued unperisshed shulde please all mighty god aboue all thinges. Which was than proued. For it appereth nat that god euer dyd so moche as in any wise imbraied him for brekynge of his commaundement. By this example it appereth in what estimation and reuerence leages and trues made by princes aught to be had; to the breache where of none excuse is sufficient. But lette us leaue princes affayres to their counsailours. And I will nowe wryte of the partes of fidelitie whiche be more frequent and accustomed to be spoken of. And first of loyaltie and truste: and laste of credence, whiche principally resteth in promise. In the moste renonmed warres betwene the Romaynes and Anniball (duke of Charthaginensis), a noble citie in Spayne called Saguntum, whiche was in amitie and leage with the Romaynes, was by the said Anniball strongely besieged in so moche as they were restrayned from vitayle and ail other sustenaunce. Of the whiche necessitie by their priuie messages they assertayned the Romanes. But they beinge busyed about the preparations for the defence of Italye and also of the citie agayne the intollerable powar of Anniball, hauinge also late two of their moste valiaunt capitaynes, Publius Scipio and Lucius Scipio, with a great hooste of Romaynes slayne by Anniball in Spayne, deferred to sende any spedy socours to the Saguntynes. But natwithstandyng that Anniball desired to haue with them amitie, offringe them peace with their citie, and goodes at lybertie, consideringe that they were brought in to extreme necessitie, lackynge vitayle, and dispayringe to haue socours from the Romaynes, all the inhabitauntes confortynge and exhortynge eche other to die, rather than to violate the leage and amitie that they of longe tyme had contynued with the Romaynes, by one hole assent, after that they hadde made sondry great pyles of wode and of other mater to brenne, they layde in it all their goodes and substaunce, and laste of all, conuayenge them selfes in to the saide pyles or bonefires with their wyfes and children, sette all on fire, and there were brenned or Annyballe coulde entree the citie.

Semblable loyaltie was in the inhabitauntes of Petilia the same tyme; who, being lyke wyse besieged by Anniball, sent for socoures to Rome. But for the great losse that a little erste the Romaynes had sustayned at the batayle of Cannas they coulde in no wise delyuer them; wherfore they discharged them of their promise, and licensed them to do that thinge which mought be moste for their saufegarde. By whiche answere they semed to be discharged, and lefully mought haue entred in to the fauour of Anniball. Yet natwithstandynge, this noble people, preseruing loyalte before life, puttynge out of their citie their women and all that were of yeres unhabill for the warres, that they mought more frankely sustayne famyne, they obstinately defended their walles, that in the defence they all perysshed. So that whan Anniball was entred, he founde that he toke nat the citie, but rather the sepulchre of the loyall citie Petilia.

O noble fidelitie, whiche is so moche the more to be wondred at, that it was nat onely in one or a fewe persones, but in thousandes of men, and they nat beinge of the blode or aliaunce of the Romanes, but straungers, dwellynge in ferre contrayes from them, beinge onely of gentill nature and vertuous courage, inclined to loue honour, and to be constant in their assuraunce.

Nowe will I wryte from hensforthe of particuler persones whiche haue showed examples of loyaltie, which I praye god may so cleue to the myndes of the reders, that they may be all way redy to put the semblable in experience.

Howe moche aught all they, in whome is any portion of gentill courage, endeuoure them selfes to be all wayes trustye and loyall to their souerayne, who putteth them in truste, or hathe ben to them beneficiall, as well reason exhorteth, as also sondrye examples of noble personages, whiche, as compendiously as I can, I will nowe bringe to the reders remembraunce.

What tyme that Saull for his greuous offences was abandoned of all mighty god, who of a very poore mannes sonne did auaunce him to the kyngedome of Israell, and that Dauid, beinge his seruaunt and as poore a mannes son as he, was elected by god to reigne in Israell, and was enointed kynge by the prophet Samuell, Saulle beinge therfore in a rage, hauinge indignacion at Dauid, pursued hym with a great hooste to haue slayne hym, who (as longe as he mought) fledde and forbare Saule, as his soueraygne lorde. On a tyme Dauid was so inclosed by the armie of Saule, that he mought by no wayes escape, but was fayne to hyde hym and his men in a great caue whiche was wyde and depe in the erthe. Durynge the tyme that he was in the caue, Saull nat knowinge therof entred into the caue, to the intent to do his naturall easement; whiche the people of Dauid perceyuinge, exhorted him to sle Saulle, hauynge suche oportunitie; sayenge that god hadde brought his enemye in to his handes, and that Saull beinge slayne, the warre were al at an ende, considerynge that the people loued better Dauid than Saulle. But Dauid refusinge their counsayle, saide that he wolde nat laye violent handes on his soueraygne lorde, beinge a kynge enoynted of god: but softely he approched to Saulle, and dyd cut of a peace of the nether parte of his mantell. And after that Saull was departed out of the caue towarde his campe Dauid called after hym sayenge, Whome pursuest thou, noble prince? (with other wordes rehersed in the bible in the firste boke of kinges), and than shewed to hym the parte of his mantell. Wherat Saull beinge abasshed, recognised his unkyndnesse, callyng Dauid his dere sonne and trusty frende, recommendynge to hym his children and progenie, sens by the wyll of god be was elected to succede hym in the kyngdome of Israell. And so departed Saulle fron Dauid. Yet nat withstandinge, afterwarde he pursued hym in Gaddy. And in a night, whan Saull and his armye were at reste, and that Dauid by an espiall knewe that they were all faste on slepe, he toke with him a certayne of the moste assured and valiaunt personages of his hoste, and in most secrete wise came to the pauilion of king Saul, where he founde hym suerly slepynae, hauinge by him his speare and a cuppe with water. Wherfore one of the company of Dauid sayde that he with the speare of Saulle, wolde stryke hym through and slee hym. Nay, sayd Dauid, our lorde forbede that I suffre my soueraiane lord to be slayne, for he is enointed of god. And therwith he toke the speare with the cuppe of water, and whan he was a good distaunce from the hoste of Saulle, he cried with a loude voyce to Abner, which was than marshall of the armye of Saul. Who answered and sayde, What arte thou that thus disseasest the kyng, which is nowe at his reste? To whome Dauid said, Abner, thou and thy company are worthy dethe, that haue so negligently watched youre prince; where is his speare and the cuppe of water that stode at his beddes hede? suerly ye be but dede men whan he shall knowe it. And there with he shewed the speare and cuppe with water. Whiche Saulle perceyuinge and hearynge the voyce of Dauid, cried unto him saienge, Is nat this the voice of my dere sonne Dauid? I uncurtaisely do pursue him, and he nat withstandinge doth to me good for euill. With other wordes, whiche to abbreuiate the mater I do passe ouer. This noble historie and other semblable, eyther wrought in Aresse, or connyngly painted, will moche better be seme the houses of noble men than the Concubines and voluptuous pleasures of the same Dauid and Salamon his sonne, whiche be more frequently expressed in the hangynges of houses and counterpointes, than the vertue and holynesse of the one, or the wise experimentes of the other. But nowe will I passe ouer to histories whiche be more straunge, and therfore I suppose more pleasaunt to the reder.

Xerxes beinge kynge of Persia, the great citie of Babilon rebelled againe him, which was of suche strength that the kynge was nat of powar to subdue it ; that perceyuinge a gentilman, one of the counsayle of kynge Xerxes, named Zopirus, a man of notable wisedome, unwittynge to any persone, dyd cut of his owne eares and nose, and preuely departed towarde Babilon, and beynge knowen by them of the citie, was demaunded who hadde so disfygured hym. Unto whome he answered with apparaunt tokens of heuinesse, that for as moche as he hadde giuen to Xerxes counsayle, and aduise to be reconsiled unto their citie, he beinge meued with ire and displeasure towarde hym, in moste cruell wise caused him to be so shamefully mutulate. Addynge there unto reprochefull wordes agayne Xerxes. The Babilonians beholdynge his miserable astate, and the tokens whiche (as it semed to them) approued his wordes to be true, moche petied hym. And as well for the great wisedome that they knewe to be in hym, as for the occasion whiche they supposed shulde incense hym to be shortely auenged, they made hym their chiefe capitayne, and committed hooly to hym the gouernaunce and defence of their citie. Which hapned in euery thinge accordinge to his expectacion. Where upon he shortely gaue notyce to the kynge of all his affaires and exploitures. And finally so endeuoured hym selfe by his wisedome, that he accorded the kynge and the citie, without any losse or damage to eyther of them. Wherfore on a tyme the sayde kynge Xerxes cutting an odly great pomegranate, and beholdynge it faire and full of kernels, sayd in the presence of all his counsayle, that he had leuer haue suche one frende as Zopirus was, than as many Babilons as there were kernels in the pomegranate. And also that he rather wolde that Zopirus were restored agayne to his nose and his eares, than to haue a hundred suche cities as Babilon was; whiche by the reporte of writers was incomparably the grettest and fayrest citie of all the worlde.

The Parthiens, in a ciuile discorde amonge them selfes, draue Arthabanus their kyng out of his realme, and elected amonge them one Cinnamus to be their kynge. Iazate, king of Adiabenes, unto whome Arthabanus was fledde sent an ambassade unto the Parthiens, exhortynge them to receyue agayne Arthabanus; but they made aunswere that sens departynge of Arthabanus, they had by a hoole assent chosen Cinnamus, unto whome they hadde done their fealtie, and were sworne his subiectes, whiche othe they mought nat laufully breake. Thereof hearynge Cinnamus, who at that tyme was kinge ouer them, be wrate unto Arthabanus and Iasate, that they shulde come, and that he wolde render the realme of Parthia unto Arthabanus. And whan they were come, Cinnamus mette with them, adourned in the robes of a kynge, and as he approched Arthabanus, alightings downe of his horse, he sayde in this wyse, Sir, whanne the people had expelled you out of your realme, and wolde haue translated it unto a nother, at their instaunce and desyre I toke it; but whan I perceyued their rancour aswaged, and that with good wille they wolde haue you agayne, which are their naturall soueraigne lorde, and that nothynge letted, but onely that they wolde nothynge do contrary to my pleasure, with good wille, and for no drede, or other occasion, as ye may perceyue, do here rendre youre realme eftsones unto you. And therewith takinge the diademe of from his owne hedde, dyd sette it immediately upon the hedde of Arthabanus.

The fidelitie of Ferdinando (kyng of Aragone) is nat to be forgoten, whome his brother Henry, kyng of Castill, decessyng, made gouernour of his sone, being an infant. This Fernando, with suche iustice ruled and ordred the realme, that in a parlement holden at Castille, it was trayted by the hole consent of the nobles and people, that the name or title of the kyngdome of Spayne shulde be giuen unto him. Which honour he fayninge to receyue thankefully, dyd put upon hym a large and wyde robe, wherin he secretely bare the yonge prince his neuewe, and so came in to the place, where for the sayde purpose the nobles and people were assembled, demaundynge of euery man his sentence, who with one voyce gaue unto hym the kyngdome of Spayne. With that he toke out of his robe the little baby his neuewe, and setting him on his shulder, sayde all a loude unto them, Lo ye Castilians, beholde here is your kynge. And than he, confirmyng the hartes of the people towarde his neuewe, finally delyuered to hym his realme in peace, and in all thinges abundaunt. This is the fidelite that appertayneth to a noble and gentill harte.

In what hatered and perpetuall reproche aught they to be that, corrupted with pestilenciall auarice or ambiscion, betraieth their maisters, or any other that trusteth them? O what monstrus persones haue we radde and herde of, whiche for the inordinate and deuelisshe appetite to raigne, haue mooste tyrannously slayne the children, nat onely of their soueraiane lordes, but also of their owne naturall bretherne, committed unto their gouernaunce? Of whome purposely I leaue at this tyme to wryte, to the intent that the moste cursed remembraunce of them shall nat consume the tyme that the well disposed reder mought occupie in examples of vertue. This one thinge I wolde were remembred, that by the iuste prouidence of god, disloyalte or treason seldome escapeth great vengeaunce, all be it that it be pretended for a necessary purpose. Example we haue of Brutus and Cassius, two noble Romaynes, and men of excellent vertues, whiche, pretendinge an honorable zeale to the libertie and commune weale of their citie, slewe Julius Cesar (who trusted them moste of all other) for that he usurped to haue the perpetuall dominion of the empire, supposinge thereby to haue brought the senate and people to their pristinate libertie. But it dyd nat so succede to their purpose. But by the dethe of so noble a prince hapned confusion and ciuile batayles. And bothe Brutus and Cassius, after longe warres vanquisshed by Octauian, neuewe and hiere unto Cesar, at the last falling in to extreme desperation, slewe them selfes. A worthy and conuenient vengeaunce for the murder of so noble and valyaunt a prince. Many other lyke examples do remayne as well in writynge as in late remembraunce, whiche I passe ouer for this tyme.

VII. Of promise and couenant.

CONCERNYNGE that parte of fidelitie which concerneth the kepynge of promise or couenauntes experience declareth howe litle it is nowe had in regarde; to the notable rebuke of all us whiche do professe Christes religion. Considerynge t hat the Turkes and Sarazens haue us therfore in contempt and derision, they hauinge fidelite of promise aboue all thinge in reuerence. [In so moche as in their contractes they seldome use any bonde or othe. But, as I haue herde reported of men borne in those partes, after the mutuall consent of the parties, the bargaynour, or he that dothe promise, toucheth the grounde with his hande, and after layeth it on his hedde, as it were that he vouched all the worlde to bere wytnesse But by this litle cere monye he is so bounden, that if he be founden to breke touche willyngly, he is without any redemption condempned unto the pale, that is, to haue a longe stake thrast in at the secrete partes of his body, whereon he shall abide dyen e by a longe space. For feare of the which moste terrible execution, seldome any man under the Turkes dominion breketh his promise. But what hope is there to haue fidelitie well kept amonge us in promises and bargaynes, whan for the breache therof is prouided no punisshe ment, nor yet notorious rebuke; sauinge if it be tried by accion, suche praty damages as the iury shall assese, whiche perchaunce dayly practiseth semblable lightnes of purpose. I omitte to speke nowe of attaintes in the lawe, reseruinge that mater to a place more conuenient ] But no meruayle that a bare promise holdeth nat, where an othe upon the Euangelistes, solempnely and openly taken, is but litle estemed. Lorde god, howe frequent and familiar a thinge with euery astate and degre through out Christendome is this reuerent othe on the Gospelles of Christe. Howe it hathe ben hitherto kepte, it is so well knowen and had in dayly experience, that I shall nat nede to make of the neglectinge therof any more declaration. Onely I will shewe howe the Gentiles, lackynge true religion, had solempne othes in great honour, and howe terrible a thinge it was amonge them to breke their othes or avowes. In so moche as they supposed that there was no powar, victorie, or profite which mought be equall to the vertue of an othe.

Amonge the Egyptians, they which were perjured had their heddes stryken of, as well for that they violated the honour due unto god, as also that thereby faythe and truste amonge people mought be decayed. The Scithes sware onely by the chayre or throne of their kynge, whiche othe if they brake, they therfore suffred dethe.

The auncient Romaynes (as Tulli writeth) sware in this maner. He that shulde swere helde in his hande a stone, and sayde in this wyse, The citie with the goodes therof beinge saulfe, so Jupiter cast me out of it, if I deceyue wittingly, as I caste from me this stone. And this othe was so straytely obserued, that it is nat remembred that euer any man brake it.

Plutarche writeth that at the firste Temple that Numa Pompilius, the seconde kynge of Romaynes made in the citie of Rome, was the temple of faythe. And also he declared that the greattest othe that mought be was faythe. Whiche nowe a dayes is uneth taken for any othe, but moste communely is used in mockage, or in suche thinges as men forse nat, though they be nat beleued. In dayly communication the mater sauoureth nat, except it be as it were seasoned with horrible othes. As by the holy blode of Christe, his woundes whiche for our redemption he paynefully suffred, his glorious harte, as it were numbles chopped in peaces. Children (whiche abhorreth me to remembre) do playe with the armes and bones of Christe, as they were chery stones. The soule of god, which is incomprehensible, and nat to be named of any creature without a wonderfull reuerence and drede, is nat onely the othe of great gentilmen, but also so undiscretely abused, that they make it (as I mought saye) their gonnes, wherwith they thunder out thretenynges and terrible menacis, whan they be in their fury, though it be at the damnable playe of dyse. The masse, in whiche honorable ceremony is lefte unto us the memoriall of Christes glorious passion, with his corporall presence in fourme of breade, the inuocation of the thre diuine persones in one deitie, with all the hole company of blessed spirites and soules elect is made by custome so simple an othe that it is nowe all moste neglected, and litle regarded of the nobilitie, and is onely used amonge husbande men and artificers, onelas some taylour or barbour, as welt in his othes as in the excesse of his apparayle, will counterfaite and be lyke a gentilman. In iudiciall causes, be they of neuer so light importaunce, they that be no parties but straungers, I meane witnesses and iurates, Which shall procede in the triall, do make no lasse othe, but openly do renounce the helpe of god and his sayntes and the benefite of his passion, if they say nat true as ferre furthe as they knowe. Howe euill that is obserued where the one partie in degree ferre excedeth the other, or where hope of rewarde or affection taketh place, no man is ignoraunt, sens it is euery yere more commune than haruist. Alas! what hope shall we haue of any publike weale where such a pestilence reigneth? Dothe nat Salamon saye, A man moche sweringe shall be filled with iniquitie, and the plage shall nat departe from his house? O mercifull god, howe many men be in this realme which be horrible swerers and commune iurates periured? Than howe moche iniquitie is there, and howe many plages are to be feared, where as be so many houses of swerers? Suerly I am in more drede of the terrible vengeaunce of god, than in hope of amendement of the publike weale. And so in myne opinion aught al other to be, whiche beleue that god knoweth all thynge that is done here in erth, and as he him selfe is all goodness, so loueth he al thing that is good, which is vertue; and hateth the contrarie, which is vice. Also all thing that pleaseth him, he preserueth; and that thing that he hateth, he at the last destroieth. But what vertue may be without verite called trouthe, the declaration whereof is faithe or fidelitie? For as Tulli saieth, faith is a constaunce and trouth of things spoken or couenaunted. And in another place he saieth, nothing kepeth so to gether a publike weale as doth faith. Than foloweth it well, than without faith a publike weale may nat continue, and Aristotle saieth, that by the same craft or meanes that a publike weale is first constituted, by the same craft or meanes is it preserued. Than sens faithe is the fundation of iustyce, whiche is the chiefe constitutour and maker of a publike weale, and by the afore mencioned autoritie, faithe is conseruatour of the same, I may therfore conclude that faithe is bothe the originall and (as it were) principall constitutour and conseruatour of the publike weale.

[Nowe, lyke as it is more facile to repayre than to newe edifie, and also to amende than to make all agayne; so more soner is a publike weale reformed, than of newe constitute, and by the same thynge that it is constitute and conserued, by the same thynge shall it be refourmed and preserued. Where I saye conserued I meane kepte and mayntayned; where I saye preserued, I intende corroborate and defended againe anoiaunces. The thinge that I spake of is faithe, which I by the autoritie of Tulli, do name the fundation of iustyce. For thereat nat onely dependeth all contractes, conuencions, commutations, entercoursis, mutuall intelligence, amitie, and beneuolence, which be contayned in the worde whiche of Tulli is called the societie or felowship of mankinde; but also by due obseruinge of faithe malefactours be espied, injuries be tried out and discussed, the propretie of thinges is adiuged. Wherfore to a gouernour of a publike weale, nothynge more appertayneth, than he hym selfe to have faythe in reuerence, and mooste scrupulousely to obserue it. And where he fyndeth it to be contemned or neglected, and specially with addynge to periurye, moste sharpely, ye moste rigorousely and aboue all other offences punisshe it, without acceptaunce or fauour of any persone; remembringe this sentence, Of faythe commeth loyaltie, and where that lacketh there is no suertie.]

It is also no litle reproche unto a man whiche estemeth honestie, to be lyte in makynge promise; or whan he hath promised, to breke or neglecte it. Wherfore no thynge aught to be promised whiche shulde be in any wise contrary to iustyce. On a tyme one remembred kyng Agesilaus of his promise. By god, sayde he, that is trouthe if it stande with iustyce; if nat, I than spake, but I promised nat.

But nowe at this present tyme we may make the exclamation that Seneca dothe, sayenge, O the foule and dishonest confession of the fraude and mischiefe of mankynde; nowe a dayes seales be more set by than soules. Alas! what reproche is it to christen men, and reioysinge to Turkes and Sarazens, that nothing is so exactely obserued amonge them as fait he, consistynge in laufut promise and couenaunt. And amonge christen men it is so neglected, that hit is more often tymes broken than kept. And nat onely sealynge (whiche Seneca disdayned that it shulde be more sette by thanne soules) is uneth sufficient, but also it is nowe come into suche a generall contempt that all the lerned men in the lawes of this realme, whiche be also men of great wisedome, can nat with all their study deuise so sufficient an instrument, to hynde a man to his promyse or co uenaunt, but that there shall be some thinge therein espied to brynge it in argument if it be denyed. And in case that bothe the parties be equall in estimation or credence, or els he that denyeth superiour to the other, and no witnesses deposeth on knowlege of the thinge in demaunde, the promise or couenaunt is utterly frustrate. Which is one of the princypall decayes of the publike weale, as I shall traite therof more largely here after. And here at this tyme I leaue to speke any more of the partes of that moste royall and necessary vertue called iustyce.

VIII. Of the noble vertue fortitude, and of the two extreme vices, Audacitie and Timerositie.

IT is to be noted that to hym that is a gouernoure of a publike weale belongeth a double gouernaunce, that is to saye, an interior or inwarde gouernaunce, and an exterior or outwarde gouernaunce. The firste is of his affectes and passions, which do inhabite within his soule, and be subiectes to reason. The seconde is of his children, his seruauntes, and other subiectes to his autoritie. To the one and the other is required the vertue morall called fortitude, whiche as moche as it is a vertue is a Mediocritie or meane betwene two, extremities, the one in surplusage, the other in lacke. The surplusage is called Audacitie the lacke Timorositie or feare. I name that Audacitie whiche is an excessife and inordinate truste to escape all daungers, and causeth a man to do suche actes as are nat to be ieoparded. Timorositie is as well whan a man feareth suche thinges as be nat to be feared, as also whan he feareth thinges to be feared more than nedeth. For some thynges there be whiche be necessary and good to be feared, and nat to feare them it is but rebuke. Infamie and reproche be of all honest men to be dradde. And nat to feare thynges that be terrible, agayne whiche no powar or witte of man can resiste, is foole hardynesse, and worthy no praise, as erthe quakes, rages of great and sodayne flodes, whiche do bere downe before them mountaynes and great townes, also the horrible fury of sodayne fire, deuourynge all thing that it apprehendeth. Yet a man that is valiaunt, called in latyne Fortis, shall nat in suche terrible aduentures be resolued into waylinges or desperation. But where force constrayneth him to abide, and neither powar or wisedome assayed may suffice to escape, but, will he or no, he must nedes perysshe, there dothe he paciently sustayne dethe, whiche is the ende of all euilles, And lyke as an excellent Phisitioun cureth moste daungerous diseases and dedely woundes, so dothe a man that is valiaunt auaunce himselfe as inuincible in thinges that do seme moste terrible, nat unaduisedly, and as it were in a bastely rage, but of a gentill courage, and with premeditation, either by victorie or by dethe, wynnynge honour and perpetuall memory, the iuste rewarde of their vertue. Of this maner of valiaunce was Horatius Cocles, an auncient Romayne, of whose example I haue all redy written in the firste boke, where I commended the feate of swymming. Pirrhus, whome Anniball estemed to be the seconde of the moste valiaunt capitaines, assaulting a stronge fortresse in Sicile, called Erice, he firste of all other scaled the walles, where he behaued him so valiauntly, that suche as resisted, some he slewe, and other by his maiestie and fierce countenaunce he dyd put to discomforte. And finally, before any of his armye, entred the walles, and there alone sustayned the hole bronte of his enemyes, untill his people whiche were without, at the laste myssinge him, stared partely with shame that they had so loste hym, partely with his couragious example, toke good harte, and inforced them selfes in suche wise that they clymed the walles and came to the socour of Pirrhus, and by his prowesse so wanne the garyson. What valiaunt harte was in the romayne, Mutius Sceuola, that whan Porcena, kynge of Ethruscanes, had by great powar constrayned the romaynes to kepe them within their citie, Sceuola takinge on him the habite of a begger, with a sworde hydde preuely under his garment, went to the enemyes campe, where he beinge taken for a beggar, was nothinge mistrusted. And whan he had espied the kinges pauillyon he drewe hym thyther, where he founde dyuers noble men sittynge. But for as moche as he certaynly knewe nat whiche of them was the kynge, he at the laste perceyuinge one to be in more ryche apparayle thanne any of the other, and supposinge hym to be Porcena, he, or any man espyed hym, stepte to the sayde lorde, and with his sworde gaue hym suche a stroke that he immediatly dyed. But Sceuola beynge taken, for as moche as he mought nat escape suche a multitude, he boldly confessed that his hande erred, and that his intent was to haue slayne kynge Porcena. Wherewith the kynge (as reason was) all chaufed, commaunded a great fire forthwith to be made, wherein Sceuola shulde haue ben brenned, but he nothing abasshed, said to the kynae, Thynke nat, Porcena, that by my dethe onely thou maiste escape the handes of the Romaynes, for there be in the citie CCC yonge men, suche as I am, that be prepared to slee the by one meanes or other, and to thaccomplysshement therof be also determined to suffre all tourmentes, wherof thou shalt haue of me an experience in thy syght. And incontinently he went to the fire, whiche was made for to brenne him, and with a glad countenaunce dyd put his hande in to the flame, and there helde it of a longe tyme without chaungynge of any countenaunce, untill his said hande was brenned unto asshes. In lyke wise he wolde haue put his other hande in to the fire, if he had nat ben withdrawen by Porcena, who, wondryng at the valiaunt courage of Sceuola, licenced hym to retourne unto the citie. But whan he considered that by the wordes of Sceuola so great a nombre of younge men of semblable prowesse were confederate to his distruction, so that, or all they coulde be apprehended, his lyfe shulde be all waye in ieopardye, he, dispairynge of winnynge the citie of Rome, raised his siege and departed.

IX. In what actes Fortitude is, and of the consyderations therto belongynge.

BUT all though I haue nowe rehersed sondry examples to the commendation of Fortitude concernynge actes marciall, yet by the waye I wolde haue it remembred that the praise is proprely to be referred unto the vertue, that is to saye, to enterprise thynges dredefull, either for the publike weale or for wynning of perpetuall honour, or els for exchuynge reproche or dishonoure. Where unto be annexed these considerations, what importaunce the enterprise is, and wherfore it is done, with the tyme and oportunitie whan it aught to be don. For (as Tulli saieth) to entre in batayle and to fight unaduisedly, it is a thing wylde and a maner of beestes, but thou shalt fight valiauntly whan tyme requireth, and also necessitie. And alway dethe is to be preferred before seruitude or any dishonestie. And therfore the actes of Anniball agayne the Saguntynes, whiche neuer dyd him displeasure, is nat accounted for any prowesse. Neyther Catalyne, which, for his singuier commoditie and a fewe other, attempted detestable warres agayne his owne contraye, entendyng to haue brenned the noble citie of Rome, and to haue distroyed all the good men, is nat numbred amonge valyaunt men, all though he faught manly and with great courage untill he was slayne. What auayled the boldenesse of Varro and Flaminius, noble capitaynes of Romaynes, whiche despisynge the prowesse and crafte of Anniball, and contemnyng the sobre counsayle of Fabius, hauing onely truste in their owne hardinesse, loste two noble armyes, wherby the powar of the Romaynes was nighe utterly perysshed? Wherfore eftsones I saye that a valiaunt man is he that dothe tollerate or suffre that whiche is nedefull, and in suche wise as is nedefull, and for that whiche is nedefull, and also whan it is nedefull. And he that lacketh any of this may be called hardy, but nat valiaunt. More ouer, all tboughe they whiche be hardy or persones desperate haue a similitude, and seme to be valiaunt, yet be they nat valiaunt, no more than kinges in May games and enterludes be kinges. For they that be hardy, or they come to the perylle, they seme to be fierce and aigre, and in beginnynge their enterprise wonderfull hasty; but whan they feele the thing more harde and greuous than they estemed, their courage decayeth more and more, and as men abasshed and unprepared, their hartes utterly do fayle, and in conclusion they appere more faynte than they that be cowardes. Also in desperation can nat be fortitude, for that beinge a morall vertue, is euer voluntary. Desperation is a thinge as it were constrayned, ne hathe any maner of consideration; where fortitude expendeth euery thinge and acte diligently, and dothe also moderate it with reason. Here nowe appereth (as I suppose) that neyther they whiche employe their force without iuste cause or necessitie, ne they whiche without forecast, or (as I mought saye) circumspection, will take in hand an harde enterprise, ne they whiche hedlonge will fall in to daungers, from whens there is no hope to escape, nor yet men desperate, whiche do dye willingly without any motion of honour or zeale towarde the publike weale be in the nombre of valyaunt persones; but of a refuse company, and rather to be rekned with bestes sauage, than amonge men whiche do participate with reason. For as Curtius sayeth, it appertayneth to men that be valyaunt, rather to despise dethe thanne to hate lyfe.

A man is called in latyne Vir, whereof, sayeth Tulli, vertue is named. And the moste propre vertue longynge to a man is fortitude, whereof be two excellent propreties, that is to saye, the contempt of dethe and of griefe. But what very fortitude is he more plainly doth declare afterwarde in a more larger circumscription, sayenge thinges humane aught to be litle estemed, dethe nat regarded, laboures and griefes to be thought tollerable. Whan this is ratifyed by iugement and a constant oppinion, than that is a valiaunt and stable fortitude. But there unto I wolde shulde be added, whiche oppinion and iugement procedeth of a reason, and nat repugnaunt to Justyce. And than it shal accorde with this sayenge of Aristotelle, A valiaunt man sustaineth and dothe that whiche belongeth to fortitude for ca use of honestie. And a litle before he saieth, A man that is valiaunt as well suffereth as dothe that whiche agreeth with his worship, and as reason commaundeth. So no violence or sturdye mynde lackynge reason and honestie is any parte of fortitude. Unto this noble vertue be attendaunt, or as it were continuall adherentes, dyuers vertues, whiche do ensue, and be of ryght great estimation.

X. Of paynefulnesse the firste companionof of Fortitude.

IN theim which be either gouernours or capitaynes or in other offyce where unto appertaineth great cure, or despechynge of sondry great affayres, Paynfulnesse, named in latyne Tollerantia, is wonderfull commendable. For thereby thynges be in suche wise exployted that utilitie procedeth therof, and seldome repentaunce. For as moche as thereof commeth an excellent frute called. oportunitie, which is euer ripe, and neuer in other astate. For lacke of this vertue moche wisedome and many a valyaunt enterprise haue perysshed and tourned to none effecte, for thynges sharpely inuented, prudently discussed, and valyauntly enterprised, if they be nat diligently folowed, and without cessynge applied and pursued, as it were in a moment all thinge is subuerted. And the paynes before taken, with the tyme therin spent, is utterly frustrate. The paynefulnesse of Quintus Fabius, beinge dictator or principall capitayne of the Romaynes, in leadynge his armye by mountaynes and other herde passaoes, so disapointed Anniball of the hope of victorye, wherin he so moche gloried, that at the last he trayned and drewe Anniball and his hoste in to a felde inclosed about with mountaines and deep ryuers, where Fabius had so enuyroned him by the fortifyenge of two mountaynes with his people, that they were in ieoperdye eyther to be famysshed (their vitayle soone after faylinge them) or els in fleinge to be slayne by the Romaynes, had nat the craftye and polityke witte of Anniball delyuered them; whiche, for the notable inuention, I wyll borowe so moche tyme of the reder to renewe the remembraunce therof in our Englysshe tunge. Anniball, perceyuinge the daunger that he and his armye were in, he commaunded in the depe of the nyght, whan nothynge was sterynge, to be brought before him about two thousande great oxen and bulles, whiche a litle before his men had taken in foraginge, and causinge fagottes made of drye styckes to be fastened unto their hornes, and set on fyre, the bestes troubled with the flame of fire, ranne as they were woode up towarde the mountaynes, where as laye the hoste of the Romaynes, Anniball, with his hoole armye folowynge in araye. The romaynes which kept the mountaynes, beinge sore aferde of this newe and terrible sight, forsake their places, and Fabius, dredynge the deceytefull witte of Anniball kept the armye within his trenche, and so Anniball with his hoste escaped without domage. But Fabius, beinge painefull in pursuinge Anniball from place to place, a waytinge to haue hym at aduauntage, at the laste dyd so fatigate him and his hoste, that therby in conclusion his powar minisshed, and also the strength of the Carthaginensis, of whome he was generall capitayne. In so moche as they were at the laste constrained to countermaunde him by sondrie messangers, willyng him to abandone the warres in Italye, and to retourne to the defence of his owne citie. Whiche by the opinion of moste excellent writars, shulde neuer haue hapned if Fabius wolde haue lefte any parte of his purpose, eyther for the tediousenesse of the payne and trauayle, or for the intollerable rebukes giuen unto hym by Minutius, who imbrayded hym with cowardyse. Amonge the vertues whiche abounded in Julius Cesar, none was accounted more excellent than that in his counsayles, affaires, and exploytures, he omitted no tyme ne forsake any payne; wherfore moste sonest of any man he achieued and brought to good passe all thynge that he entreprised. Suppose ye that the same Anniball, of whome we late spake, coulde haue wonne from the Romaynes all Spayne, and haue perced the mountaynes called Alpes, makynge a way for his armye where before was neuer any maner of passage, and also haue goten all Italye unto Rome gates, if he had not ben a man paynefull and of labour incomparable?

Julius Cesar, after that he had the intier gouernaunce and dominion of the empyre of Rome, he therfore neuer omitted labour and diligence, as well in commune causes as private, concernynge the defence and assistence of innocentes. Also he laborousely and studiousely discussed controuersies, whiche all most dayly he herde in his owne persone.

Traiane and bothe Antonines, emperours of Rome, and for their vertue worthy to be emperours of all the worlde, as well in exterior affaires as in the affaires of the citie, were euer so continually occupied that uneth they founde any litle tyme to haue any recreation or solace.

Alexander also, emperour, for his incomparable grauitie called Seuerus, beinge but of the age of xviii yeres whan he firste was made emperour, was inclyned to so incredible labours, that where he founde the noble citie of Rome, than mastresse of the worlde, throughly corrupted with moste abhominable vices, by the moste shameful example and liuing of that detestable monstre, Varius Heliogabalus, next emperour before him, a great parte of the Senate and nobilitie beinge resolued in to semblable vices, the chiualrye dispersed, martiall prowesse abandoned, and well nyghe the maiestic emperiall dissolued and brought in contempt, this noble yonge prince Alexander, inflamed with the zeale of the pristinate honour of the Romaynes, layenge a parte utterly all pleasures and quietnesse, holy gaue his witte and body to studye and trauayles intollerable, and chesinge out of all partes of the worlds men of grettest wisedome and experience, consultings with theim, neuer ceased untill he had reduced as well the Romaynes as all other cities and prouinces unto them subjecte, to their pristinate moderation and temperaunce. Many other examples coulde I reherce to the commendation of paynefulnesse. But these shall suffice at this present tyme to proue that a gouernour must nedes be painefull in his owne persone, if he desire to haue those thinges prosper that be commytted to his gouernaunce.

XI. Of the noble and fayre vertue named Pacience.

PACIENCE is a noble vertue, appertayninge as well to in warde gouernaunce as to exterior gouernaunce, and is the vainquisshour of injuries, the suer defence agayne all affectes and passions of the soule, retayninge all wayes glad semblaunt in aduersitie and doloure.

 Saynt Ambrose saieth in his boke of offices, Better is he that contemneth iniurie, than he that sorroweth. For he that contemneth it as he nothynge felte, he passeth nat on it: but he that is sorowfull, he is therewith tourmented as though he felt it.

Whiche was well proued by Zeno Eleates, a noble Philosopher, who beinge a man of excellent wisedome and eloquence, came to a citie called Agrigentum, wher raygned Phalaris, the mooste cruell Tyraunt of all the worlde, who kept and used his owne people in mooste miserable seruitude. Zeno firste thought by his wisdome and eloquence to haue so persuaded the Tyraunt to temperaunce that he shulde have abandoned his cruell and auaricious appetite. But custome of vice more preuayled in him than profitable counsayle. Wherfore Zeno, hauynge pitie at the wretched astate of the people, excited dyuers noble men to deliuer the citie of that seruile condition. This counsayle was nat so secretely gyuen but that notice therof came to the Tyraunt, who, causinge all the people to be assembled in the market place, caused Zeno there to be cruciate with sondrye turmentes, all wayes demaundynge of hym who dyd participate with hym of his said counsayle. But for no paynes wolde he confesse any persone, but induced the Tyraunt to haue in mistrust his nexte frendes and familyar seruauntes, and reprouynge the people for their cowardise and drede, he at the laste so inflamed them unto libertie, that sodaynely, with a great violence, they fell on the Tyraunt and pressed him with stones. The olde Zeno in all his exquisite turmentes neuer made any lamentable crye or desire to be relieued. But for this fourme of Pacience, this onely example suffiseth at this tyme, sens there be so frequent examples of martyrs, whiche for true religion sustayned pacyently not onely equall tourmentes with Zeno, but also ferre excedynge. But nowe wyll I wrytte of that Pacience that pertaineth unto interior gouernaunce, wherby the naturall passions of man be subdued, and the malyce of fortune sustayned. For they whiche be in autoritie and be occupied about great affaires, their lyues be nat onely replenisshed with labours and greuous displeasures, but also they be subiectes to sondrye chaunces.

The meane to optayne pacyence is by two thinges principally. A directe and upryght conscience, and true and constant opinion in the estimation of goodnes. Whiche seldome commeth onely of nature, excepte it be wonderfull excellent; but by the diligent studye of very philosophie (nat that whiche is sophisticate, and consisteth in sophismes) nature is therto prepared and holpen. This Opinion is of suche powar that ones cleuynge faste to the mynde, it draweth a man as it were by violence to good or euill. Therfore, Tulli saieth, Lyke as whan the bloode is corrupted, and eyther fleame or Colere, blacke or redde, is superhabundaunt, than in the body be ingendred sores and diseases, so the vexation of euill opinions and their repugnauncie despoileth the mynde of all helthe, and troubleth it with griefes. Contrarye wyse afterwarde Tulli describeth good Opinion, and calleth it the beaultie of the soule, sayenge in this wyse, As of bodelye membres there is an apte figure, with a maner pleasauntnesse of colour, and that is called beaultie; so in the soule the equalitie and constaunce of opinions and iugementes ensuynge vertue, with a stable and stedfaste purpose, or contaynynge the selfe same effecte that is in vertue, is named beaultie. Whiche sentences depely inuestigate and well perceyued by them that be about princes and gouernours, they may consider howe ware and circumspecte they aught to be in the indusinge them to opinions. [Whereof they be sufficiently admonished by the moste excellent diuine Erasmus Roterodamus, in his boke of the Institution of a Christen prince, whiche in myne opinion can nat be so moche praysed as it is worthy. Therfore I will leaue nowe to write any more of Opinion, sauynge that I wolde that it shulde be all waye remembred, that opinion in iuginge thinges as they verely be armeth a man unto pacience.]

XII. Of Pacience in sustayninge wronges and rebukes.

UNTO hym that is valyaunt of courage, it is a great payne and difficultie to sustayne Iniurie, and nat to be forthwith reuenged. And yet often tymes is accounted more valyauntnesse in the sufferaunce than in hasty reuengynge. As it was in Antoninus the emperoure, called the philosopher, agayne whome rebelled one Cassius, and usurped the emperiall maiestie in Syria and the Este partes. Yet at the laste, beinge slaine by the capitaynes of Antonine next adioyninge, he therof unwetynge was therwith more greued. And therfore takyng to hym the chyldren of Cassius, entreated them honorably, wherby he acquired euer after the incomparable and moste assured loue of his subiectes. As moche dishonour and hatered his sonne Commodus wanne by his irnpacience, wherein he so exceded, that for as moche as he founde nat his bayne hette to his pleasure, he caused the keper therof to be throwen in to the hote brennynge furnaise. What thynge mought be more odible than that moste deuelysshe impacience? Julius Cesar, whan Catullus the Poete wrate agayne hym contumelyouse or reprocheable versis, he nat onely forgaue him, but to make hym his frende, caused hym often tymes to soupe with hym. The noble emperour Augustus, whanne it was shawed hym that many men in the citie had of hym unfittinge wordes, he thought it a sufficient answere that in a free citie men muste haue their tunges nedes at libertie. Nor neuer was with any persone that spake euill of hym in worde or countenaunce warse discontented. Some men will nat praise this maner of Pacience, but account hit for folysshenes, but if they beholde on the other side what incommoditie commeth of impacience, howe a man is therewith abstracte from reason and tourned in to a monstruous figure, and do conferre all that with the stable countenaunce and pleasaunt regarde of him that is pacient, and with the commoditie that dothe ensue thereof they shall affirme that that simplicitie is an excellent wisedome.

 More ouer the best waye to be aduenged is so to contemne Iniurie and rebuke, and lyue with suche honestie, that the doer shall at the laste be therof a shamed, or at the leste, lese the frute of his malyce, that is to say, shall nat reioyce and haue glorie of thy hyndraunce or domage.

XIII. Of Pacience deserued in repulse, or hynderaunce of promocion.

To a man hauynge a gentyll courage, lyke wise as nothinge is so pleasaunt or equally reioyceth him as rewarde or preferment sodaynely giuen or aboue his merite, so nothinge may be to him more displeasaunt or paynefull than to be neglected in his payne takynge, and the rewarde and honour that he loketh to haue, and for his merites is worthy to haue, to be gyuen to one of lasse vertue, and perchaunce of no vertue or laudable qualitie. Plato in his Epistall to Dion, kynge of Scicile, It is (sayeth he) good right that they which be good men, and do the semblable, optayne honour whiche they be worthy to haue.

Undowghtedly in a prince or noble man may be nothinge more excellent, ye not hing more necessarye, than to aduaunce men after the estimation of their goodnes; and that for two speciall commodities that do come thereof. Fyrste, that therby they prouoke many men to apprehende vertue. Also to them whiche be good and all redy aduaunced do gyue suche courage, that they endeuour them selfes with all their powar to increase that opinion of goodnes, wherby they were brought to that aduauncement whiche nedes muste be to honoure and benefite of those by whome they were promoted. Contrary wise, where men from their infancie haue ensued vertue, worne the florisshynge tyme of youthe with paynefull studie, abandonynge all lustes and all other thinge whiche in that tyme is pleasaunt, trustynge therby to profite their publike weale, to optayne therby honour, whan either their vertue and trauayle is litle regarded, or the preferment which they loke for, is giuen to an other nat equall in merite, it nat onely perceth his harte with moche anguisshe, and oppresseth hym with discomfort, but also mortifieth the courages of many other whiche be aptly disposed to studie and vertue, and hoped therby to haue the propre rewarde therof, whiche is commendation and honour, which beinge giuen to men lackyng vertue and wisedome, shall be occasion for them to do euill (as Democritus sayeth), for who doughteth but that autoritie in a good man dothe publisshe his vertue whiche before laye hydde? In an euill man it ministreth boldnesse and lycence to do euill, whiche by drede was before couered. Surely this Repulse or (as they vulgarly speke puttynge backe from promotion, is no little payne or discomforte, but it may be withstande, or at the lest remedied, with pacience, whiche may be in this wise induced.

Fyrste, considerynge that the worlde was neuer so constant that at all tymes before good men were iustely rewarded, and none but they onely promoted. Cato, called Uticensis, at whose wisedome all the worlde wondred, and whose grauitie, as well the Senate and, people of Rome, as other kynges and princis, reuerense, lokynge to be one of the Consules, was openly reiecte. Wherwith his frendes and kynnesmen toke no litle discomfort. But Cato hym selfe so litte regarded that repulse, that where all wayes he went very homely, he the nexte day folowinge, decked and trymmed hym selfe more fresshely than he was wont, and whanne he had shewed hym selfe so to the people, at after none he walked with one of his frendes in the markette place, bare legged and in sengle apparayle, as he was accustomed.

Scipio, called Nasica, who by the hole senate was iuged the best man in the citie, and of an auncyent house, was lyke wise putte backe for beinge Consull. Lelius lyke wise, whiche was openly called the wiseman, was semblably refused. And diuers other, of whome histories do make mencion, were abiecte, whan they had well deserued honours, and their inferiors in merites promoted. Also a mannes conscience shall well comfort him whan he hathe so lyued that, where he is knowen, men do iuge him worthye preferment. And than may he saye to them whiche meruayle why he is nat aduaunced, as Cato sayde to a persone that tolde to hym that men wondred why amonge so many noble mennes images as were sette up in the citie, Cato's image was nat espied. By god, sayde Cato, I had leuer that men wondred why I haue none image sette up, than why men shulde set up myne image. So if men meruayle why a man is nat aduaunced, knowinge hym a good man, thanne iuge they hym to be worthy promotion, whiche iugement procedeth of fauour, and than though he lacke promocion, yet hathe he perfecte glorie, whiche euery noble hart desireth.

For Tulli sayeth, The perfecte and moste principall glorie consisteth in those thre thynges. If the multitude loue us; if they putte confydence in us; if also as it were meruaylinge at us, they think us worlhy to haue honour giuen unto us. With this glorie and clennesse of conscience, shall a wise man content hym, and be induced to Pacience, and nat be greued with his fortune, but to folowe Democritus in lawghinge at the blinde iugementes of men in bestowinge promotions. I omitte at this tyme to write any more of this vertue Pacience, sens to the institution of a gouernour this semeth to be sufficient, to the residue he shall be better persuaded by the warkes of Plutarche, Seneca, and Pontane, where they write of Pacience, whiche warkes he may here after rede at his leasour.

XIV. Of Magnanimitie, whiche may be named valyaun courage.

MAGNANIMITIE is a vertue moche commendable, and also expedient to be in a gouernour, and is, as I haue sayd, a companyon of fortitude. And may be in this wise defined, that it is an excellencie of mynde con-XIV. Magnanimity cernynge thynges of great importaunce or estimation, doynge all thynge that is vertuous for the achieuynge of honour. But nowe I remembre me, this worde Magnanimitie beinge yet straunge, aslate borowed out of the latyne, shall nat content all men, and specially them whome nothing contenteth out of their accustomed Mumpsimus, I will aduenture to put for Magnanimitie a worde more familiar, call it good courage, whiche, hauynge respecte to the sayd definition, shall nat seme moche inconuenient.

But nowe concernyng a more large description of the sayd vertue. Aristotle saieth, That man semeth to be of noble courage that is worthy, and also iugeth hym selfe worthy to have thinges that be great. He saieth also afterwarde, Noble courage is an ornament of vertues, for it maketh them the more ample, and without them she her selfe may nat be. But I wltl for a litle tyme leaue this noble Philosopher Aristotelle, and reuerently interprete a place in the offices of Tulli, where he moste eloquently and playnely setteth out this vertue, sayenge, All way a valiaunt and noble courage is discerned by two thinges specially, wherof one is in despisinge thynges outwarde, whan a man is persuaded neylher to meruayle at any thynge, neyther to wysshe or desire any thinge but that which is honest. More ouer, that a man shulde nat bowe for any fortune or trouble of mynde. Another thinge is that whan thou arte of that mynde or courage, as I before sayde, than that thou practise those thynges nat onely which be great and moste profitable, but also them that be very difficile, and full of labour and perylle, as well concernynge mannes lyfe as many other thynges there un to pertaynynge. And afterwarde the same Tulli sayeth, To esteme litle those thinges whiche unto the more parte of men semeth excellent, and also with reason firme and stable to contemne them, it is signe of a noble and valyaunt courage. Also to tollerate those thinges whiche do seme bitter or greuous (wherof there be many in the lyfe of man and in fortune) in suche wise as thou departe nat from the astate of nature, neyther from the worship pertayninge unto a wise man, betokeneth a good courage, and also moche constaunce. By this it semeth that Magnanimitie or good courage is, as it were, the garment of Vertue, wherwith she is set out (as I mought saye) to the uttermoste. I neane nat that therby vertue is amended or made more beauteous, whiche of her selfe is perfecte, but lyke wise as a lady of excellent beaultie, thoughe that she be all wayes fayre, yet a ryche and fresshe garment declareth her astate, and causeth her the more to be loked on, and thereby her naturall beaultie to be the better perceyued. Semblably dothe Magnanimitie, ioyned with any vertu sette it wonderfully furthe to be beholden, and (as I mought saye) meruayled at, as it shall appere abundauntely in the examples ensuinge.

Agesilaus, king of Lacedemonia, in the begynninge of his youthe, perceyuinge that all Greece was in great feare for the fame that was sprad of the commynge of the Persians with an infinite armye, he with a noble courage profred nat onely to defende his owne contray, but also with a small hoste to passe the sees in to Asia, and frome thens either to brynge victorie of the Persianes, or els a sure and honorable peace. With whose courage the Lacedemones, highly recomforted, delyuered unto hym x thousande souldiours. With the whiche hoste he went in to Asia, and there vainquisshed the Persianes, and retourned ioyfully in to his contray with his people all saulfe, to his perpetuall renonme, and also the honour and suertie of all Greece.

Antigonus, kynge of Macedonia, beinge on the see, one of his capitaines aduised him to departe, sayenge that the nauye of his enemye was moche gretter in numbre than his, where unto with a noble courage he answered, And for howe many shippes accounte you oure persone? Wherewith his people toke suche comforte that they boldelye dyd set furth and vainquisshed their enemyes. Suche noble courage was in great kynge Alexander, that in hys warres agayne Darius, he was sene of all hys people fightynge in the prease of his enemyes bare heded.

I wyll nat be so uncurtaise to leaue unremembred in this place the notable Magnanimitie of a kynge of Englande, whiche I hapned to rede late in an olde cronycle.

Edgare, who in the tyme that the Saxons had this realme in subiection, hadde subdued all the other kynges Saxons, and made them his tributaries. On a tyme he hadde theim all with hym at dyner, and after it was shewed hym that Rynande, kynge of Scottes, hadde sayde that he woundred howe it shulde happen that he and other kynges, that were tall and great personaaes, wolde suffre them selfes to be subdued by so litle a body as Edgare was. Edgare dissembled and answered nothinge, but faynynge to go on huntynge, he toke with him the Scottisshe kynge in his company, and purposely withdrewe hym from them that were with hym and causynge by a secrete seruaunt two swerdes to be conuayed in to a place in the forest by hyn appointed, as soone as he came thither he toke the one sworde, and delyuered the other to Rinande, byddinge hym to proue his strength, and to assaye whither his dedes wolde ratifie his wordes. Wherat the Scottisshe kynge beinge abasshed, beholdynge the noble courage of Edgare, with an horrible feare confessed his errour, desirynge pardon, whiche he with moste humble submission at the laste optayned. That noble kynge Edgare declarynge by his Magnanimitie that by his vertue, and nat by chaunce, he was elected to reigne ouer so noble a region.

Plato, for his diuine wisedome and eloquence named the god of Philosophers, was sent for by Dionise, kynge of Sicile, to the intent, as it semed, that he wolde be of him instructed concernynge the polityke gouernaunce of his realme. But whan he had ben with him a certaine space, and wolde nat flatter with the kynge and upholde his tyrannye, the kinge became wery of him, in so moche that if it had nat ben at the requeste of Architas, prince of Tarent, he wolde haue put hym to dethe. Wherfore, partely at the desire of that prince, partely for feare of the Atheniensis, he licenced Plato to departe without damage, but at his departynge he sayde unto him, as it were in despite, O howe euill wilt thou speke of me, Plato, whan thou commest amonge thy companyons: and scolers. Than Plato with a noble courage, answered, God defende there shulde be in my scole somoche vacaunt tyme from the studie of wisedome, that there mought be any place lefte ones to remembre the.

Nowe will I make an ende of this vertue, and procede further to write of some vices whiche communely do folowe Magnanimitie, and with great difficultie may be exchued.

XV. Of Obstinacie, a familiar vice follovinge Magnanimitie.

THE prince of Oratours, Marcus Tullius, in his firste boke of Offices, sayeth that in height and greatnesse of courage is moste soneste ingendred obstinacie, and inordinate desire of soueraignetie.

Obstinacie is an affection immoueable, fixed to wille, abandonynge reason, whiche is ingendred of Pryde, that is to saye, whan a man estemeth so moche hym selfe aboue any other, that he reputeth his owne witte onely to be in perfection, and contemneth all other counsayle. Undoughtedly this is an horrible and perylouse vice, and very familiar with them whiche be of moste noble courages. By it many a valyaunt capitayne and noble prince haue nat onely fallen them selfes, but also brought all their contrayes in daungeour and often tymes to subuercion and ruyne.

The wise kinge Salomon sayeth, Amonge proude men be all way contentions, and they that do all thinges with counsayle, be gouerned by wisedome.

I nede nat to reherce examples out of olde writars what damage haue ensued of obstinacie, consideryng that euery historye is full therof, and we styll haue it in dayly experience. But of one thinge am I suer, where obstinacie ruleth, and reason lacketh place, there councelle auaileth nat, and where councell hath nat auctoritie and franches, there may no thing be perfecter Solomon sayeth, where as be many counsayles, there the people is in suertie. Nowe wyll I declare the resydue of Tullies sentence, concernynge inordynate desire of soueraignetie, whiche is preprelye callyd Ambition.

XVI. Of an other vyce folowing Magnanimitie, called Ambition.

IT was nat without a high and prudente consideration, that certayne lawes were made by the Romaynes, whiche were named the lawes of Ambition, whereby men were restrayned in the citie to optayn offices and dignities in the Publyke wele, either by gyuynge rewardes, or by other synystre laboure or meanes. And they, which by that lawe were condemned, were put to deathe without any fauour.

Verily it was a noble lawe, and for all places necessary, consyderynge what inconuenience hapneth by this vaine and superfluous appetite. Wytnesses amonge the Romayns Sylla, Marius, Carbo, Cinna, Pompei, and Cesar, by whose ambicion mo Romains were slayne, than in acquyrynge the empyre of al the world. Sylla condemned, and caused to be slayne, foure score thousande Romayns, beside many mo that were slayne in the battayles betwene him and the bothe Marius.

Also Pompei, and Julius Cesar, the one suffrynge no piere, the other no superior, by their ambycion caused to be slaine betwene them people innumerable, and subuerted the best and mooste noble publyke weale of the worlde, and fynaliy hauynge lyttell tyme of reioysinge theyr unlefull desire, Pompeie, shamefully fleinge, had his heed striken of, by the commaundement of Ptolomee, king of Egipt, unto whome as unto his frende he fledde for succour. Cesar, the vainquyssher, was murdred in the Senate with daggers, by them, whome he mooste specially fauoured.

I could occupie a great volume with histories of them whiche, coueytynge to mount into excellent dignities, dyd therby bringe in to extreme perylles bothe them selues and their countreys. For as Tacitus saith, wanderfull elegantly, with them whyche desire soueraygnetie, there is no meane place betwene the toppe and the stepe downe. To the whiche vordes Tulli agreinge, sayeth that hygh autorities shulde nat moche be desired, or rather nat to be taken at some tyme, and often tymes to be left and forsaken.

So dyd Sylla, whome I late spake of, and Diocletian, Emperour of Rome, who after that he had gouerned the empyre xxv yeres honorably (if he had nat ben polluted with the bloode of innumerable Christen men) he willingly abandoned the crowne and dignitie emperiall, and lvued nyne yeres on his priuate possessions. And on a tyme he beinge desired of Herculius and Galerius, unto whome he had resigned the empyre, to take eftsones on him the gouernaunce, abhorrynge it as a pestilence, aunswered in this wise, I wolde ye dyd see the herbes that I haue with myne owne handes sowen and sette at Salona, suerly ye wolde nat than in this wise aduise me.

Also Octauius Augustus, whiche in felicitie passed all emperours, deuised often tymes with his frendes to haue resigned his autoritie. And if at that tyme the Senate had ben as well fournisshed with noble and wise personages as it was before the Ciuile warres betwene Cesar and Pompei, it is to be thought that he wolde surely haue restored the publike weale to his pristinate glorie.

But nowe let us see what is the cause why that Ambition is so pernicious to a publike weale, and in myne oppinion it is for two causes principally.

Fyrste, for as moche as they whiche be of that courage and appetite, whan they be in autoritie, they suppose all thynge to be lefull that lyketh them, and also by reason of their preeminence they wolde so be separate from other that no man shulde countrolle them or warne them of their enormyties, and finally, they wolde do what they list without contradiction. Wherof do ensue diuers injuries and subuertion of iustyce.

And that this whiche I haue nowe sayd is true, Tulli affirmeth, sayenge, Verely it is a great difficultie, where thou woldest be aboue all men, to obserue equitie, whiche is the thinge moste appropred to iustice. And shortely after he sayeth, The more higher of courage that a man is, and desirous of glorie, the soner is he meued to do thinges agayne ryght. Seynge that it was so in the tyme of Tulli, whan all moste euery man that was in auctoritie had excellent lernynce, (the Romanes bringynge up their children in study of morall philosophie), what shall we than suppose in our tyme, whan fewe men in autorite do care for lernyne? Why shulde we thynke to be more iustice nowe used in autoritie than was in the tyme of Tulli? Is there nat nowe priuate affection, particular favour, displeasure, and haterede, as was at that tyme? I wolde that the redars hereof be iuges examinynge these my wordes with daily experience.

The seconde cause that condemneth ambicion is couatyse of treasure, therwith to maintaine their ostentacion and vayne glorie, which ambicious persones do calle their honour. Wherby they be procured to finde iniust meanes by their autoritie to prouide for suche substaunce, wherwith they may be nat onely satisfied (they beinge insaciable) but according to their owne appetite fully suffised. Wherfore the Philosophers, called Stoici used this sentence. Great indigence or lacke cometh nat of pouertie, but of great plentie, for he that hathe moche shal ne de moche. But certes, suche persones ambicious may well consider that the men, magnificence and pompe which they couaite is nat so moche wondred at, as auarice and collection of money is uniuersally hated. Wherfore Darius, king of Persia, and father to Xerxes, whan he had commaunded a subsidie to be leuyed of his subiectes, he demaunded the chiefe men of the contrayes, whether they founde them selfe greued, they aunswerynge that they were in a metely good case, he commaunded the one halfe to be eftsones restored, lest he of any auarice shulde be suspected. By the which act he stablisshed his dignite and made it more perfecte. More ouer Tulli saieth, To take any thing from an other man, and one man to encrease his commoditie with an other mannes detryment, is more repugnaunt to nature, than dethe, than pouertie, payne, or other thynge that mought happen either to the body or other goodes worldly. And this for nowe suffiseth to speke of ambition.

XVII. The true definicionn of Abstinence and Continence.

ABSTINENCE and continencie be also companions of fortitude, and be noble and excellent vertues, and I can nat tell whither there be any to be preferred before them, specially in men hauynge autoritie, they beinge the brydles of two capitall vices, that is to saye, Auarice and Lecherie; whiche vices, beinge refrayned by a noble that liueth at libertie and without controlement, procureth unto hym, beside the fauour of god, immortall glorie. And that citie or realme wherof the gouernours with these vices be litle or nothynge acquainted, do abide longe in prosperitie. For, as Valerius Maximus sayeth, where so euer this feruent pestylence of mankynde hathe entry, Iniury reigneth, reproche or infamie is spradde, and deuoureth the name of nobilitie.

The propreties of these two vertues be in this maner. Abstinence is wherby a man refrayneth from any thinge, which he may lefully take, for a better purpose. Continence is a vertue whiche kepeth the pleasaunt appetite of man under the yoke of reason. Aristotelle in his Ethikes, making them bothe but one, describeth them under the name of continence, sayenge, He that is continent, for as moche as he knoweth that couaitous desires be euill, he dothe abandone them, reason persuadynge hym. For this tyme I take Abstinence for the wilfull abandoninge of money, possessions, or other thinge semblable; Continence the onely forberynge the unlefull company of women.

Martius Coreolanus, a noble yonge man, which lineally descended from Ancus, somtyme king of Romaynes, whan he had done many valiaunt actes and achieued sondry enterprises, he was according to his merites, commended in the armye by Posthumius, than being consulle. And by their uniuersall assent he was rewarded with all suche honours as than appertained to a good warriour. Also with one hundrede acres of arable lande, the election of ten prisoners, ten horsis apparailed for the warres, one hundred of oxen, and as moche siluer as he mought beare. But of al this wolde he take no thing, but one onely prisoner which was of his acquaintaunce, and one courser, whiche all wayes after he used in batayle.

Marcus Curius, the very rule and paterne of Fortitude; and moderate lyuing, whan the people called Samnites, whiche had warres with the Romanes, founde him sittynge in his house by the fire upon a homely fourme, eatynge his meate in a disshe of tree, they brynginge to hym a great some of golde by the consent of the people, and wondryng at his pouertie, with courtaise langage desyred him to take that they had brought him, he thereat smilinge, said thus unto them: Ye ministers of a vaine and superfluous message, shewe you to the Samnites that Curius had leuer haue dominion ouer them that be riche than he him selfe to haue richesse. And as for this golde whiche ye accounte precious, take it agayne with you, and remembre that ye can neither vainquisshe me in bataile nor corrupt me with money.

Quintus Tubero, surnamed Catelius, what tyme he was consulle, the people in Greece called &Aelig;toli sent to him by their ambassadours a great quantitie of siluer vessell curiousely wrought and grauen. But whan they came to him they founde on his table vessell onely of erthe. And whan he sawe them he exhorted them that they shulde nat suppose that his continence, as if it were pouertie, shulde be with their presentes relieued. And with that sayenge, commaunded them to departe.

To Epaminondas, the Thebane, being in his tyme as well in vertue as prowesse, the moste noble man of all Greece, Arthaxerses, king of Persia, to make him his frende, sent one of his seruauntes to Thebes with a great quantitie of treasoure to gyue to Epaminondas. Whiche seruaunt, knowynge his maners, darst nat offre it unto him whan he came, but speking to a yonge man which was familiar with Epaminondas, gaue unto him a great rewarde to meue Epaminondas to receiue the kings present. Who uneth hering the firsts wordes of the yonge man, commaunded the kinges seruaunt to be brcught unto him, unto whome he had these wordes. Frende, shewe to the kynge that he nedeth nat to offre me money, for if he haue any thinge to do with the Thebanes for a good purpose, he may haue their assistence without any rewarde; if the purpose be nought, he can nat with all the treasoure of the worlds hope to optayne it. Whiche wordes were spoken with such a grauitie that the sayd seruaunt, beinge a ferde, desired Epaminondas that he mought be saulfly conuaied out of the citie. Whiche he graunted with good will, lest if the money were taken a way he mought of the receyuinge therof haue ben suspected. More ouer, he caused the Thebane, which was his frende and companion to restore to the messager the money that he had receyued.

Semblable Abstinence was there in Phocion, a noble counsaylour of Athenes, unto whome the ambassadours of the great kynge Alexander brought from their maister a hundred Talentes of golde, whiche were of englysshe money xii thousande pounde. But before that he herde them speke any thynge, he demaunded of them why to him onely the kynge sent so bounteous a rewarde. And they aunswered for as moche as king Alexander iuged him onely to be a good man and a iuste. Than suffre ye me, sayd Phocion, to be and to seme the same man that your kynge do iuge me, and cary your goode agayne to him. The same Phocion, the ambassadour of Antipater (who succeded the great king Alexander in Macedonia) offred to gyue a great some of money, whiche Phocion despisinge, sayde in this wise, Sens Antipater is nat gretter than Alexander nor his cause better, I do nothinge perceyue why I shulde take any thinge of him. And whan the Oratour wolde haue hadde Phocions sonne to haue taken the money, Phocion answered, If his sonne wolde be lyke unto hvm he shulde haue no nede neither of that money nor of none other. If he wolde be unlike unto him and of dissolute maners, neyther Antipaters giftes nor none others, were they neuer so great, shulde be sufficient.

By these examples it dothe appere howe good men dyd all way flee from rewardes, all though they mought haue ben lefully taken, which in them was neyther folisshenes nor yet rusticitie, but of a prudent consideracion. For as moche as bothe by wisedome and experience they knewe that he, whiche taketh a rewarde before any thinge done, is no lenger at libertie, but of a free man is made bonde, in as moche as he hath taken ernest for his true endeuour. Also by the takynge he is become an euill man, though before he were good, for if he receyued it for an euill purpose, he is thanne a wretche, and detestable. If the matter were good, than is he nat rightwise in sellynge a good deede, whiche he aught to do thankefully and without rewarde. And I dought nat who so euer is contented with his present astate, and supposeth felicitie to be in a meane, and all excesse to be perillous, will alowe these sentences and thinke them worthy to be had in remembraunce, specially of them that be gouernours. For that realme or citie where men in autorite haue their handes open for money, and their houses for presentes, is euer in the waye to be subuerted. Wherfore Caius Pontius, prince of Samnites, was wont to saye, I wolde god (sayd he) that fortune had reserued me unto the tyme, and that I had ben borne whan the Romaynes shulde begynne to take gyftes; I shulde than nat suffre them any lenger to rule. Paulus Emilius, whanne he hadde vainquisshed kynge Perses, and subdued all Macedonia, he brought into the commune treasory of Rome an infinite treasure, that the substaunce of that one prince discharged all the Romaynes to paye euer after any tax or subsidie. And yet of all that goodes Emilius brought no thinge in to his owne house, but onely perpetuall renonme.

Scipio, whan he hadde goten and destroyed the great citie of Charthage, he was nat therfore the rycher one halfepeny. By this it appereth that honour resteth nat in richesse, all though some perchaunce wyll saye that their reuenues be small, and that they muste take suche rewardes as be lefull, onely to maintayne their honour, but lette them take hede to the sayenge of Tulli, Nothynge is more to be abhorred thanne Auarice, specially in princis and theim whiche do gouerne publike weales.

XVIII. The examples of Continence gyuen by noble men.

Nowe wyll I speke of Continence, whiche is specially in refrayninge or forbering the acte of carnall pleasure, where unto a man is feruently meued, or is at libertie to haue it. Whiche undoughtedly is a thinge nat onely difficile, but also wonderfull in a man noble or of great auctoritie, but in suche one as it hapneth to be, nedes muste be reputed moche vertue, and wisedome, and to be supposed that his mynde is inuincible, considerynge that nothynge so sharpely assaileth a mannes mynde as dothe carnall affection, called (by the folowars therof) loue. Wherfore Plato sayeth, that the soule of man, which by loue is possessed, dieth in his owne body, and lyueth in an other.

The great kynge Alexander, after his firste victorye agayne kynge Darius, hauinge all wayes in his hoste the wife of the same Darius, whiche incomparably excelled all other wemen in beaultie; after that he had ones sene her. he neuer after wolde haue her come in his presence. All be it that he caused her astate still to be maintayned, and with as moche honour as euer it was, sayenge to them whiche, wondrynge at the ladyes beautie, meruailed why Alexander dyd nat desire to haue with her company, he answered that it shulde be to hym a reproche to be any wise subdued by the wife of him whom he had vainquisshed.

Antiochus, the noble king of Asia, beinge in the citie of Ephesum, behelde a virgine beinge a Mynchen in the temple of Diana to be of excellent beautie, where he perceiuing him selfe to be rauisshed in the loue of the mayden, he hastely and immediatly departed out of the citie, lest loue shulde constrayne him to violate a virgine; wisely considerynge that it was best to abstayne from doinge batayle with that enemye whiche unethe moughte be vainquisshed but with flight onely.

The valyaunt Pompei, whanne he had vainquisshed the kynge Mithridates, and had taken diuers of his concubines, which in beautie excelled, he wolde haue no carnall knowlege with any of them; but whan he knewe that they were of noble lignage, he sent them undefiled to their parentes and kynnesfolke.

Semblably dyd Scipio whan he wanne Carthage. For amonge diuers women whiche were there taken, one moste fairest of other was brought unto hym to do with her his pleasure. But after that she had discouered to him that she was affiaunced to a gentill man, called Indibilis, he caused him to be sent for, and whan he behelde the lamentation and signes of loue betwene them, he nat onely delyuered her to Indibilis, with her raunsome, whiche her frendes hadde payde for her redemption, but also added therto an honorable porcion of his owne treasour. By the whiche continence and liberalitie he wanne the hertes of Indibilis and all his blode, wherby he the soner optained and wanne all the contraye. Of this vertue be examples innumerable, as well of gentiles as of christen men. But these for this tyme shall suffise, sauynge that for the straungenesse of it, I will reherce a notable historie whiche is remembred by the moste excellent doctour, saynt Hierome.

Valerian, beinge emperour of Rome, and persecutynge the churche, in Egipt a christen man was presented unto him, whome he beholdynge to be yonge and lusty, thinkynge therfore to remoue him from the faythe, rather by veneriall motions, thanne by sharpenesse of tourmentes, caused hym to be layde in a bedde within a fayre gardayne, hauynge about him all flowres of swete odour and moste defectable sauours and perfumes. And than caused a fayre tender yonge woman to be layde by him all naked, who ceased nat swetely and louingly to embrace and kysse him, showinge to him all pleasaunt deuises, to the intent to prouoke him to do fornication. Ther lacked litle that the yonge man was nat vainquisshed, and that the flesshe yelded nat to the seruice of Venus: that perceyuinge the yonge man, whiche was armed with grace, and seinge none other refuge, he with his teethe dyd gnawe of his owne tunge, wherin he suffred such incredible payne, that therwith the furious brennyng of voluptuous appetite was utterly extinct. In this notable acte, I wote nat which is to be moste commended, either his inuincible courage in resisting so moche agayne nature, or his wisedome in subduynge the lasse payne with the more, and bytinge of that wherby he mought be constrayned to blaspheme god or renounce his religion. Suer I am that he therfore receyued immortall lyfe and perpetuall glorie. And this I suppose suffiseth to persuade men of good nature to embrace Continence. I meane nat to lyue euer chaste, but to honour matrimony, and to have good awayte, that they lette nat the sparkes of concupiscence growe in great flames, wherewith the wyttes shall be dryed up, and all noble vertues shall be deuoured.

XIX. Of Constance or Stabilitie.

IN buyldinge of a fortresse or other honorable mantion, it aught to be well considered that the cement, wherewith the stones be layde, be firme, and well bindynge. For if it be brokle, and will mouldre a way with euer