J. ALLAN MITCHELL

        

                            ROMANCING ETHICS IN BOETHIUS, CHAUCER, AND LEVINAS:
                            FORTUNE, MORAL LUCK, AND EROTIC ADVENTURE
                                                

FORTUNE HAS LONG BEEN TREATED as an inconsequential cliché, an ideological concealment, or a negative theology whenever it appears in medieval literature. Rarely is it taken seriously on its own terms to signify something genuinely fortuitous or aleatory, even though poets and their fictional creations in courtly lyrics and romances typically understood the figure in just this way. Geoffrey Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde (c. 1382-86) is representative. Fortune propels the narrative forward—the story of love won and lost is roughly analogous to a revolution of the Wheel of Fortune—and gives shape not only to the outcome of the affair but also to its ethical and political. Moreover, the characters depend upon such reversals of fortune. Pandarus, with his infectious optimism and fraternal affection, effectively consoles Troilus by assuring him of the mutability of Fortune, “That, as hire joies moten overgon,/So mote hire sorwes passen everechon” (1.846-7).  Chaucer added such passages to the materials he found in in Boccaccio’s Filostrato, amplifying and enriching the original Italian love story and raising the stakes on the moral and metaphysical issues involved. Pandarus’s sentiment, present in all kinds of medieval courtly literature, attests to love’s dependency on Fortune, and Troilus’s sorrow does turn to joy when he consummates the affair about half way through the romance, though his weal proves as transitory as his initial woe. Although it is possible to take this tragic conclusion as proof that fortune has no merits at all, why should Troilus not have hoped for a fortuitous and durable end to his affair? Or rather, what else can a lover do but hope for the good fortune of reciprocal affection and lasting fidelity? Love relationships are a form of risk. That is the expert instruction provided by Love in the Roman de la Rose, by Dame Esperance in Machaut’s Remede de Fortune, and by Fiammetta’s nurse in Boccaccio’s Elegia di Madonna Fiammetta. It is also an argument that medieval love poets and preceptors routinely adapted for their own purposes from Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy. The phenomenon of erotic love, habitually described in the romance tradition as an aventure (a synonym for fortune in the works of Chaucer), is presented as a sort of volatile contingency outside the control of any individual.

Chaucer completed his English translation of Boethius’s Consolation of Philosophy at about the same time that he began working on Troilus and Criseyde. But while the fourteenth-century poet obviously took great interest in the philosophical consolation provided by Boethius, questions remain about what exactly he saw in Boethius’s treatment of fortune. Boethius of course undertook the original theological negation of the concept (rendering Fortune into an anamorphic image of
Providence ), and modern scholars who continue to dismiss fortune have, in effect, followed suit by reproducing and secularizing his critique. But Fortune exhibits a conceptual complexity in many medieval epic and romance narratives, including Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde, which is regularly underestimated by readers under the influence of an overly reverential reading of Boethius. Another philosophy is perhaps required to reopen what has for too long been a closed question: whether fortune or the fortuitous more generally has a significance of its own.

I will attempt to reopen this question by bringing Emmanuel Levinas’s Time and the Other to bear on Troilus and Criseyde, for Levinas seems keenly interested in the way something like amatory fortune makes ethics possible, and he appeals to medieval ideas and activities—investiture, adventure, and courtly love quest —to figure the ethical relation, though to my knowledge his medievalism has not yet been noticed. Relating Chaucer to Levinas—despite their different temperaments and everything else that distinguishes the medieval poet from the modern philosopher—thus stands both to illuminate the ethics of medieval romance and test the medievalism of the modern theorist. Both writers—as against certain programmatic readings of Boethius’s Consolation—appear to elaborate the possibility of ethics as radical passivity before fortune and future contingency: a passivity that resembles a kind of courtship, given its demanding waiting period and uncertain end, its privileging of heteronomy over the autonomy of the self, its disavowal of self-sufficiency, and its subjection of self to the other. In their treatment of the fortuitous both writers also give priority to moral integrity over autonomy and agency. The analogies of course will only stretch so far, and in conclusion I express some reservations about any system of ethics that mortgages its future on romantic love. But Levinas at least helps us see that there may be reasons for wishing to restore “fortune” to our otherwise disenchanted postmodern critical vocabulary. I hope thereby to contribute to the recently recovered sense of the ethical role and importance of contingency for medieval discourses of various.

Mala Fortuna

Boethian philosophy is often adduced to discredit the commonsense identity of the good life and good fortune, and the Consolation of Philosophy has sometimes been taken as the inflexible measure against which deviations of character and conduct are to be judged in Troilus and Criseyde—rather than as a source of one or more philosophical positions with which Chaucer engaged in dialogue.  But Boethius is himself ambiguous and contradictory, deviating from one line of argument to follow another, contradicting or redefining his terms of reference through dialogue, and raising doubts about various conclusions he has reached in the person of Lady Philosophy.  And in any case we should not expect the philosophical consolation to remain unchallenged when brought into contact with the particular case of romantic love rather than (as in the Consolation) state persecution, however alike prison experience and love-longing were thought to be in medieval love poetry.  Comparison between the two sorts of “fortune” brings out important differences. In an extremely suggestive remark attributed to Lady Philosophy, Boethius writes: “ultimus tamen vitae dies mors quaedam fortunae est etiam manentis” (2pr3.48-50), or in the rather more pithy translation of Chaucer, “the end of life is a maner deth to Fortune” (Boece 2pr3.87-8).  The idea of fortune’s demise is emphatically a prisoner’s—and not a lover’s—consolation. Indeed, it is a grave and powerful philosophical axiom in the original context of the Consolation, holding out the promise of the end of undeserved suffering for the political prisoner. But the sentiment becomes problematic in the context of romantic love, for as soon as one approaches the philosophical consolation from its vantage point (mindful of what one doesn’t want to lose rather than of what one desires to escape), the question becomes who wants it to end? If life and fortune are coterminous, so are love and fortune, and love can seem to make life worth living. We might conclude from any number of medieval examples of sentimental love, then, that rumors of the death of Fortune are greatly exaggerated. Repositioned this way, Boethius’s judgment about the end of life reads more like a concession to the importance and indeed indispensability of fortune—newly identified with human flourishing—than an expression of its irrelevance or triviality.