SUSAN RUBIN SULEIMAN

        

Introduction: The Idea of Europe

When I first proposed the subject of this special issue of Comparative Literature to George Rowe a few years ago, I had no particular definition of “the idea of Europe” in view. The novels of Henry James, with their endless fascination for the encounter between American naiveté and the wiles as well as the charms of “old” Europe, must have been somewhere in my mind, as was, no doubt, Thomas Mann’s Dr. Faustus, which I had first read around the same time as Portrait of a Lady. What could be thought of as mere social commentary (albeit a profound one) by James, the quintessential American gentleman abroad, became an anguished meditation when treated by Mann, an exiled German observing Europe from America after the devastation of World War II: both writers saw that European culture, for all its weight and beauty, harbored in its heart appalling depths of cruelty and evil.

In an essay titled “The Idea of Europe (One More Elegy),” delivered at a conference in Berlin just one year before the fall of the Wall, Susan Sontag reflected on what “the idea of Europe” meant to her as an American writer. “The diversity, seriousness, fastidiousness, density of European culture constitute an Archimedean point from which I can, mentally, move the world. I cannot do that from America, from what American culture gives me.”  But this apparently binary opposition between Europe (civilized) and America (“more barbaric,” she says) is immediately complicated in several ways. First, Sontag recognizes that Europe itself has changed—the “Euro-business” community is not her idea of Europe. Nor is this change simply due to the “Americanization” of Europe, as some anti-Americanists would claim; rather, she sees it as part of the pressure of a “modernity” that should not be confused with Americanism. Second, European culture cannot itself be seen, today, without an awareness of the “barbarism that was (need it be said?) entirely generated from within the heart of Europe.”  Although she does not name the Holocaust, she is clearly referring to it: European culture, for all its density and seriousness, for all its high-minded notions of civilization, produced the greatest barbarity in history. And before Hitler, who claimed to be defending Europe against the Bolshevik “Asian” hordes, there was colonialism, which claimed to be bestowing “civilization” on those it dominated and whose cultures it destroyed. Sontag writes: “virtually every act of colonization in the nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries by a European people was justified as an extension of the moral boundaries of ‘civilization’—considered identical with European civilization—and a rolling back of the tides of barbarism.”

Sontag was no blind admirer of European civilization, as her sharp critique of colonialism shows. What I find wonderful is her ability to keep this critique in her mind at the same time as she voices her admiration—indeed, love—for a certain idea of European culture: “One might think that the notion of Europe would have been thoroughly discredited, first by imperialism and racism, and then by the imperatives of multinational capitalism. In fact, it has not. (Nor is the idea of civilization unusable—no matter how many colonialist atrocities are committed in its name).”  Here, she put her defense of “civilization” between parentheses. A few years later, asked by a French journal to define her conception of the intellectual’s task, she wrote (without parentheses) that it is two-fold: on the one hand, to promote dialogue, skepticism about received ideas, and resistance to nationalist or tribal ideas masquerading as “ideals”; on the other hand, to refuse the facile discrediting of “idealism, of altruism itself; of high standards of all kinds.”

The rejection of false ideals, but also the rejection of the rejection of idealism and universal values—that is not an easy line to walk. But that kind of dialectical thinking—which can also be called a thinking nourished by paradox and ambivalence—is, I think, entirely pertinent to any reflection on “the idea of Europe” after 1989, and after 2001.

The contributors to this special issue, although they had no opportunity to discuss their work with each other, nevertheless converge around some important points in their arguments; furthermore, both individually and as parts of the whole, their arguments display a strong sense of the paradoxes and ambivalences I have been evoking.